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Category Archives: Irish Republican Army


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Birth of Dessie Ellis, Sinn Féin Politician

Desmond Ellis, Sinn Féin politician who has been a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin North-West constituency since the 2011 Irish general election, is born in Finglas, Dublin, on September 23, 1953.

Ellis is from an Irish republican family, and both of his grandfathers fought in the Easter Rising in 1916. He later owns a television repair business.

Ellis is a former Provisional Irish Republican Army prisoner. He is arrested in 1981, when explosives and bomb making equipment are found under his bed. He is charged with possession of explosives. He jumps bail, but is arrested in Buffalo, New York in February 1982 and extradited to the Republic of Ireland, where in April 1983, he is sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment in Portlaoise Prison. He is convicted of possessing multiple power-timer units for IRA bombs, including those suspected of being used in the Hyde Park and Regent’s Park bombings. In 1983, his fingerprints are found on a huge cache of IRA explosives found in a forest outside the Berkshire town of Pangbourne. The cache is linked to the Harrods and Hyde Park bombings. On November 14, 1990, after thirty-five days on hunger strike, he becomes the first person extradited from the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom under the 1987 Extradition Act. He goes on hunger strike to protest efforts to send him to Britain, but is extradited in the sixth week of his fast. His hunger strike draws considerable domestic and international attention, and at one point Taoiseach Charles Haughey intervenes, asking Ellis’ parents to ask him to give it up, but they refuse. He is acquitted at his trial in London in October 1991.

Ellis is first elected to Dublin City Council in 1999, for the Finglas local electoral area. He unsuccessfully contests the 2002 Irish general election in the Dublin North-West constituency, and receives 4,781 first-preference votes (18.3%). He is again unsuccessful at the 2007 Irish general election in the same constituency, receiving 4,873 votes (15.7%). At the 2011 Irish general election, he is elected to the 31st Dáil with 7,115 (21.7%) of the first-preference votes.

In October 2014, following claims made by Máiría Cahill that she had been raped as a 17-year-old by a member of the Provisional IRA, Ellis states that “If an allegation was made against a volunteer it would have to be investigated [internally]…To be honest they were not qualified to deal with something like sexual abuse”. Based on this, Philip Ryan of the Irish Independent accuses Ellis of admitting that the IRA ran “kangaroo courts.”

In 2015, Ellis refuses to comment on if Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams should distance himself from Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, an Irish republican found guilty of tax fraud and an allegedly a former IRA Chief of Staff.

At the 2016 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 7,571 (20.5%) of the first-preference votes.

In September 2016, a bill is put forward, which if passed would criminalise hare coursing. Sinn Féin supports the legalisation of hare coursing and decides to apply the party whip. As Ellis opposes it he declines to vote. He defies party instructions by not informing party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh that he will not be taking part in the vote so he could be excused. He is subsequently given a written warning.

In December 2016, during a session of the Dáil, Ellis and his fellow Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris are accused by Fine Gael TD Alan Farrell of having information in relation to the shooting of Brian Stack, the chief prison officer at Portlaoise Prison, in 1983. Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams had just delivered an address to the Dáil in relation to Stack when Farrell rises and uses Dáil privilege to state Gerry Adams had listed Ellis and Ferris as amongst people who may have information about the Stack death in an e-mail to the Garda Commission in February 2014, and ask that the two should also address the Dáil on the matter. Ellis immediately responds by stating, “I refute [sic] any allegations. For the information, the man in question claims to be a solicitor, I was actually in jail for the period. In Portlaoise, and before that in America, so you should check your facts. You’re a disgrace.” Ferris follows Ellis, and states, “On the record of this house; In 2013, I met with gardaí at their request regarding the death of Brian Stack, I co-operated fully with them and I have nothing to answer for, and it’s a disgrace what you have come in here naming. You should be ashamed of yourself.” In December 2016, Ellis states he had received death threats following the exchange in the Dáil.

In February 2018, Ellis is censured by Sinn Féin after he states publicly that fellow party member and councillor for Ballymun Noeleen Reilly is “not fit to represent Sinn Féin” and that she had waged a social media campaign against him. For her part, Reilly is suspended by the party for six months.

At the 2020 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 14,375 first-preference votes (44.4%). He is a poll topper in the 2020 general election along with many Sinn Féin TDs in the 2020 election. He is criticised for joining his supporters singing “Come Out, Ye Black and Tans” at the count, but he dismisses the suggestion it is inappropriate.

At the 2024 Irish general election, Ellis is re-elected to the Dáil.

Ellis is in favour of the abolition of the local property tax. He supports the repealing of the Eighth Amendment, which forbids abortion in the Republic of Ireland. He believes refugees should have the right to work in Ireland and believes the system of direct provision should come to an end.

In 2012, the Irish Independent, citing released internal documents held by the British government that were previously sealed for 30 years, alleges that by 1982 British authorities believe Ellis to be linked to “50 murders” as part of his time in the Provisional IRA. The allegation specifically cites a telegraph from the British embassy in Washington, D.C., to American counterparts in which they claim that Ellis is linked by “forensic evidence to some 50 murders” across Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The Irish Independent claims another document states that Ellis is a “leading member” of the Provisional IRA.

Sinn Féin denounces the allegations as an “Indo Smear” and releases a statement declaring, “This is not the first time such unsubstantiated allegations have been made and Dessie Ellis rejects them as he has repeatedly done. Following a prolonged hunger strike in the 1990s to protest his extradition to Britain, Dessie successfully beat these trumped-up charges in court. Dessie Ellis has made no secret of his involvement in the republican struggle over many decades, including within the ranks of the IRA. Dessie has also been an important persuader for the Peace Process for many years.” Ellis does not make any personal statement on the allegations and refers journalists to Sinn Féin’s official statement.

Ellis is proficient in karate, holding a black belt, and teaches martial arts to young people. He is married to Anne Ellis (née Dunne) with grown up children.


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British Double Agent John Henry Gooding Offers to Betray His Superior to the IRA

On September 16, 1920, the British double agent John Henry Gooding, operating under the alias F. Digby Hardy, makes a dramatic overture to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Hardy, a habitual criminal with a long record of forgery, fraud, and petty crime, has been recruited by British intelligence to infiltrate the IRA’s intelligence network and capture Michael Collins.

Born in 1868 in Devonport, Plymouth, England, Hardy has a troubled life marked by multiple imprisonments, bigamy, and a career in petty crime. After deserting the Royal Navy in 1888, he adopts the alias “Frank Hall” and lives in Surrey before moving to London. By 1920, he is a known criminal with a five-year fraud sentence in 1918, partially served until his release in 1919.

Hardy approaches IRA intelligence, offering to betray his British superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. The plan is for him to infiltrate the IRA’s network and hand over information on Collins. However, the operation is foiled when Arthur Griffith, a leading Irish republican, intercepts Hardy’s mission.

Griffith arranges a staged meeting in Dublin attended by international journalists. Hardy is confronted and, upon presentation of evidence, confesses his mission and criminal background. The exposure embarrasses British intelligence and draws international attention.

Rather than being executed, Hardy is given until the next morning to leave Ireland. He flees, resuming petty crimes until his death in 1930. The September 16, 1920 incident becomes a notable example of how British intelligence’s reliance on unreliable agents could backfire during the Irish War of Independence.

In summary, on September 16, 1920, F. Digby Hardy (John Henry Gooding) attempts to betray his British handler to the IRA, but is exposed and forced to flee Dublin after being misled by Arthur Griffith into revealing his mission to reporters.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Attacks Free State Troops in Dundalk & Seize Power Station

On September 15, 1922, in the context of the Irish Civil War, the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) launches coordinated attacks on Free State troops in Dundalk, County Louth. These actions are part of a broader campaign by anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State government, which has accepted the Anglo-Irish Treaty and is backed by the pro-Treaty National Army.

The Irish Civil War (June 28, 1922 – May 24, 1923) is fought between Pro-Treaty forces (led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith) who support the Anglo-Irish Treaty, creating the Irish Free State within the British Empire and  Anti-Treaty IRA (led by Éamon de Valera and Liam Lynch) who reject the Treaty, seeing it as a betrayal of the 1919 Irish Republic.

By mid-1922, the Free State controls only Dublin and parts of the east, while anti-Treaty forces hold much of the south and west, including Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, forming the self-styled “Munster Republic.”

On September 15, 1922, Anti-Treaty IRA units in Dundalk attack Free State troops stationed in the area and seize control of the local power station, cutting off the town’s electricity supply.

This is a typical example of anti-Treaty tactics: using sabotage and localized attacks to disrupt Free State operations, weaken their hold on territory, and maintain control over key infrastructure. Such actions are part of a wider pattern of resistance in areas not yet recaptured by the National Army.

While Dundalk is not a major strategic city, the attack reflects the guerrilla and sabotage phase of the Civil War, which follows the Free State’s July–September 1922 offensive that retakes major towns in Munster and the west. The Free State’s victory in that offensive ends the conventional phase, but anti-Treaty forces continue to resist through hit-and-run raids, sabotage, and control of rural areas.

In summary, the Dundalk incident of September 15, 1922, is a localized but symbolic act of anti-Treaty resistance, illustrating the ongoing struggle to control infrastructure and disrupt Free State operations in the months after the decisive military phase of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Dundalk, County Louth, in the early 20th century)


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The Blanket Protest Begins at Maze Prison

The Blanket Protest begins on September 14, 1976, in the H-Blocks of HM Prison Maze (also known as Long Kesh Detention Centre) in Northern Ireland, initiated by Kieran Nugent (pictured), the first republican convicted under the new regime after the British government’s decision to end Special Category Status.

Special Category Status, introduced in 1972 after a 35‑day hunger strike by Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners, grants convicted paramilitary offenders the rights and treatment of prisoners of war — no prison uniforms, no forced labour, and separate accommodation. In March 1976, the British government announces that those convicted after March 1, 1976, will lose this status and be treated as ordinary criminals. They are to be moved from the “Cages” to the newly built H‑Blocks, designed to enforce the policy of criminalisation and to portray republicans as common criminals.

On September 14, 1976, Nugent refuses to wear the prison uniform, instead wrapping himself in a blanket. This act of defiance quickly spreads: other IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners join, refusing to wear uniforms and sometimes going naked. The protest is a peaceful civil disobedience campaign aimed at restoring political prisoner status and rejecting the criminalisation of republicans.

The British authorities enforce uniform compliance through cell confinement and deny association rights. In response, the protest evolves into the “dirty protest” (also called the “no‑wash protest”) in 1978, where prisoners refuse to shower or use lavatories, smear walls with excrement, and defecate in cells to protest perceived brutality and denial of political recognition.

The Blanket Protest becomes a key phase in the prison struggle during the Troubles, symbolising the refusal to accept the criminalisation of political prisoners. It sets the stage for the 1980–1981 hunger strikes, which draw international attention and result in ten deaths, including Bobby Sands, who is elected to Parliament during his fast.

In summary, the September 14, 1976, start of the Blanket Protest marks the beginning of a sustained campaign of non‑violent resistance by republican prisoners to defend their political prisoner status against the British government’s criminalisation policy.


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Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army Captures Kenmare

On September 9, 1922, eighty-four Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) fighters capture Kenmare in County Kerry, killing local pro-Treaty officers and seizing National Army troops and arms, marking a major republican victory in the Irish Civil War.

By early September 1922, the Irish Civil War has already seen the Irish Free State forces secure most large towns in County Kerry following seaborne landings in August, but rural areas and towns like Kenmare remain under republican control. The IRA has retreated to the hills after abandoning other towns, preparing for guerrilla operations. Kenmare becomes a focal point for one of the largest republican offensives in the county.

On September 9, anti-Treaty fighters launch a coordinated attack on Kenmare. During the assault, they capture 120 National Army troops, later releasing them, and seize 110 rifles and 20,000 rounds of ammunition, significantly bolstering their resources. The attack also results in the killing of local pro-Treaty officer Tom “Scarteen” O’Connor and his brother after they are taken prisoner, highlighting the lethal intensity of the conflict.

The capture of Kenmare is a major tactical victory for the IRA, allowing anti-Treaty forces to maintain a stronghold in County Kerry and continue a guerrilla campaign for the remainder of the war. It demonstrates the resilience of republican forces despite the Irish Free State’s earlier successes and foreshadows the brutal guerrilla warfare that follows in County Kerry, including ambushes, executions, and widespread disruption to civilian life.

Following the attack, the IRA continues to operate effectively in County Kerry, using Kenmare as a base for further operations. The event contributes to the prolonged and violent nature of the Irish Civil War in County Kerry, which becomes notorious for its intensity and the high number of fatalities compared to other counties. The battle also exemplifies the personal and local dimensions of the conflict, with targeted killings and the capture of troops reflecting the deep divisions within Irish society at the time.

The September 9 attack on Kenmare remains a key episode in the history of the Irish Civil War, illustrating both the strategic and human costs of the conflict in County Kerry.

(Pictured: Main Street in Kenmare, County Kerry, September 1922)


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Abduction & Murder of IRA Captain Timothy Kennefick

On September 8, 1922, Captain Timothy Kennefick, a prominent anti‑Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) officer from Cork, County Cork, is abducted from his home in Blackpool, Cork, by Irish Free State troops. He is returning to Cork from Ballingeary by motor car, having left his family to attend his mother’s funeral.

According to contemporary reports, Kennefick is arrested by National Army (Free State) forces while en route. Accounts from later commemorations describe a particularly brutal treatment: he is dragged behind the back of a Free State truck with his hands tied, then beaten with rifle butts to the face and body, losing several teeth and suffering severe wounds. He is shot twice in the head and his body is dumped in a ditch or field near Nadrid, Coachford, County Cork.

Kennefick’s death is confirmed the same day, with two bullet wounds found on his body. The incident draws widespread revulsion at the time for its brutality. Kennefick, who had served as a lieutenant in the Cork No. 1 Brigade during the Irish War of Independence and as a company signaller in the Cork No. 5 Brigade during the Irish Civil War, is buried four days later in the Republican Plot at St. Finbarr’s Cemetery in Cork.

Kennefick’s funeral is described as of “large dimensions,” with comrades carrying his coffin through the streets of Cork. He is remembered as a popular local figure, a barman by occupation, and a dedicated IRA leader who had joined the Irish Volunteers in 1917.

Today, a Celtic Cross memorial near Coachford commemorates his death, and annual commemorations are held to honour his memory.

(Pictured: Timothy Kennefick, around 1920. Photo credit: Tony McCarthy)


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Six Free State Soldiers Killed in Three Separate Ambushes

On August 29, 1922, six Irish Free State soldiers are killed in three separate ambushes, reflecting the intense and deadly engagements of the early Irish Civil War period.

The Irish Civil War (June 1922 – May 1923) erupts following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921, which creates the Irish Free State. Pro-Treaty forces, forming the National Army, clash with anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) elements refusing to accept the Treaty. This conflict includes both conventional and guerrilla phases, with August 1922 marking the end of the conventional campaign as Free State forces advance to secure towns in the south and southwest.

On this day, six Free State soldiers are killed in three distinct ambushes. Two soldiers died in Tullamore, County Offaly, one in Macroom, County Cork, and two in an ambush and firefight between Killorglin and Tralee, County Kerry. In Tullamore, Lieutenant Matthew Cullen of the 3rd Southern Division is fatally shot near Bonaterrin Hill, while Lieutenant Leahy is seriously wounded in the same attack. These ambushes are carried out by anti-Treaty forces and demonstrate the difficulties the National Army faces while attempting to secure supply routes and rural areas, even after major towns have fallen under Free State control.

These casualties underscore the dangers posed by guerrilla tactics, including ambushes, during the Irish Civil War. Free State soldiers are often young and inexperienced, and many fatalities occur in such rural confrontations. Despite these losses, the Free State maintains strategic momentum, continuing the offensive that eventually consolidates the new government’s control.

Overall, the Irish Civil War results in roughly 1,426 deaths in the Free State counties, with the National Army sustaining substantial casualties in actions like these ambushes. The conflict’s fatal events, including Tullamore on August 29, illustrate both the human cost of the war and the localized intensity of battles beyond major urban centers.

In summary, August 29, 1922, represents a notable moment in Irish Civil War history, highlighting the lethal impact of ambushes on Free State forces and the challenges of combatting anti-Treaty operations in rural Ireland. These events contribute to the broader struggle to establish the Irish Free State’s authority.

(Pictured: Irish Free State Army, 1922)


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Anti-Treaty IRA Ambush Near Glenflesk, County Kerry

Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) units carry out an ambush of Free State troops near Glenflesk, County Kerry, on August 27, 1922, as part of the broader Irish Civil War conflict between the pro-Treaty National Army and the anti-Treaty “Irregulars.”

By mid-August 1922, the Irish Free State, under Michael Collins, has launched a decisive offensive to re-take towns and strongholds in the south and west. The anti-Treaty IRA, led by figures such as Liam Lynch, has been holding areas like County Cork, County Limerick, and much of County Kerry, including Killarney, in defiance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The Free State’s campaign aims to consolidate control over the territory and end the conventional phase of the war.

The ambush at Glenflesk is one of several IRA actions in County Kerry during this period. It occurs as Free State forces advance in the west, seeking to secure supply lines and isolate remaining anti-Treaty strongholds. The Anti-Treaty IRA, using guerrilla tactics, targets convoys and patrols to disrupt Free State operations.

While the exact casualty figures for this specific engagement are not detailed in the available records, such ambushes are part of a wider pattern of republican resistance. In County Kerry alone, Free State forces suffer multiple engagements in August, including a sniper kill at Tralee and ambushes on supply columns.

The Glenflesk ambush reflects the shift from conventional warfare to mobile, hit-and-run tactics by the anti-Treaty IRA after the Free State’s conventional offensives begin. County Kerry remains a contested area, with Killarney and surrounding towns serving as republican bases. Ambushes like this one aim to delay Free State advances and protect supply routes. While the Free State’s overall campaign succeeds in capturing major towns by late August, such ambushes prolong the conflict and keep republican forces active until the “dump arms” order in 1923.

In summary, the Glenflesk ambush of August 27, 1922, is a localized but significant IRA resistance action in County Kerry, emblematic of the guerrilla warfare that follows the Free State’s conventional offensives and contributes to the prolonged nature of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Michael Collins (left) and Liam Lynch (right))


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Anti-Treaty IRA 4th Northern Division Attacks Dundalk

On August 16, 1922, three hundred men of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) 4th Northern Division, commanded by Frank Aiken, launches an attack on Dundalk in County Louth during the early phase of the Irish Civil War. This operation is part of a broader campaign by Anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State army and to disrupt Free State control in the border counties.

By mid-1922, the Irish Civil War begins after the Anglo-Irish Treaty splits the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The 4th Northern Division, based in counties Armagh, Down, and Louth, is one of the most formidable Anti-Treaty units in the region. Frank Aiken, a veteran IRA commander, has rebuilt this division during the Truce period, using it for guerrilla operations and border raids.

The Free State Army, under the National Army, is consolidating control in southern and midland counties, while Anti-Treaty forces focus on border counties to prevent Free State expansion and to maintain resistance.

The August 16 assault on Dundalk is a border raid aimed at disrupting Free State supply lines and communications, isolating and weakening Free State positions in the Louth area and demonstrating Anti-Treaty strength to other IRA units and the wider population. They use two mines to breach the walls of the barracks and temporarily take over the town.

Seven Free State soldiers are killed and fifteen are wounded. Two republicans are killed, accidentally by one of their own mines, and thirty are wounded. About 240 republican prisoners are freed from the prison and 400 rifles are taken. Aiken, however, does not try to hold the town and, while in possession of it, calls for a truce in a meeting in the town square.

While the attack is significant in symbolic terms, it does not achieve a decisive strategic breakthrough. Free State forces are able to regroup and counterattack, and the operation highlights the challenges Anti-Treaty units face in sustaining large-scale offensives against a better-equipped and more mobile National Army.

The raid exemplifies the “war along the border” strategy, where Anti-Treaty forces target Free State-held border towns and infrastructure. Aiken’s leadership as commander of the 4th Northern Division underscores his reputation as a skilled guerrilla leader. The attack reflects the early Civil War pattern of small-scale, mobile raids by Anti-Treaty forces against Free State-held towns and garrisons.

In summary, the August 16, 1922, Dundalk attack is a notable Anti-Treaty IRA operation that showcases the 4th Northern Division’s capabilities but also the limitations of their conventional-style assaults against the Free State’s growing military presence.

(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division of the Irish Republican Army)


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Liam Lynch & the Anti-Treaty IRA Abandon Fermoy

On August 11, 1922, Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA), abandons Fermoy — the last major republican-held town in County Cork — as the Free State forces advance. This marks a significant turning point in the Irish Civil War, symbolizing the collapse of the IRA’s last strongholds in County Cork.

By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.

Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.

Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.

Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.

In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch, shortly before the start of the Civil War. Photo © RTE Photographic Archive)