seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Tag Archives: Irish Nationalism


by Leave a comment

Birth of Kathleen Goodfellow, Writer, Poet & Translator

Kathleen Goodfellow, Irish writer, poet, and translator known for her literary works, nationalist sympathies, and patronage of the arts, is born in Dublin on August 20, 1891.

Born to George and Susan Goodfellow (née Nicholson), Goodfellow is raised in a Quaker family. Her father and uncle are builders who construct a row of houses on Morehampton Road, Donnybrook, where she lives for the rest of her life. She is educated at Alexandra College and graduates with an Arts degree from Trinity College Dublin (TCD).

Goodfellow joins the Rathmines branch of Cumann na mBan, a women’s republican organization, where she learns first aid, drilling, and signaling. There, she meets artist Estella Solomons, with whom she forms a lifelong friendship. Solomons’ studio later becomes a safe house for republicans during the Irish War of Independence.

Under the pseudonym Michael Scot, Goodfellow publishes Three Tales of the Times in 1921, a work about life in Ireland under the Black and Tans. She also writes poetry and translates French poetry, notably the works of 15th-century poet François Villon, publishing these translations in The Dublin Magazine between 1924 and 1928.

Goodfellow is independently wealthy, inheriting property in Ireland and England after her mother’s death in 1932. She is a generous patron of the arts, supporting The Dublin Magazine, a literary journal owned by her friend Seumas O’Sullivan, to which she contributes articles, poems, and reviews. She also supports children’s charities and serves on the Board of Governors of the Royal Hospital in Donnybrook.

Her philanthropy extends to securing funding for The Dublin Magazine (1926–1958) and gifting a bird sanctuary, The Grove, in Donnybrook to An Taisce. Despite her influence, she remains modest and private about her contributions, and her own photographic collection is destroyed after her death.

In 1939, Goodfellow falls while getting off a tram and breaks her leg badly, which leaves her with a limp. She dies at the aged of 89 on May 20, 1980, and is buried with her parents in Mount Jerome Cemetery in Dublin.

A plaque is erected in memory of Goodfellow’s donation at The Grove, a woodland area at the corner of Morehampton Road and Wellington Place, on October 19, 2022. A plaque commemorating Estella Solomons is placed on the opposite gatepost. Goodfellow’s diaries, poems and literary manuscripts are held in the Trinity College Dublin archives.

Goodfellow’s work and life reflect the intersection of Irish literary culture, nationalist history, and cultural patronage in early-to-mid 20th-century Ireland.


by Leave a comment

John Redmond’s Speech at the Irish National Convention in Chicago

Delivered at the Irish National Convention in Chicago on August 18, 1886, John E. Redmond’s address is a defining moment in his political career and in the broader Irish nationalist movement. The convention, organized by the Irish National League of America, brings together Irish Americans to rally support for Irish self-government and to affirm their loyalty to the United States while maintaining ties to Ireland.

The key themes of Redmond’s speech include:

Irish Americans’ Commitment to Ireland: Redmond emphasizes that regardless of their economic status—soldier, businessman, or laborer—Irish Americans have never forgotten their homeland. He notes that even in prosperity, they set aside time to “tell her story” and work toward Ireland’s “redemption.”

The Principle of the Irish Movement: Redmond frames the Irish struggle as rooted in the principle of rebellion against the rule of strangers, a principle upheld for centuries by figures like Owen Roe O’Neill, Thomas Emmet, and Robert Emmet. He stresses that this is not “race hatred” but a call for justice for the future, not revenge for past wrongs.

Brotherhood of Nations: Despite the bitterness of past injustices, Redmond affirms belief in the brotherhood of nations. He argues that the Irish movement’s core is not hatred of England, but a demand for fair treatment and self-determination.

The Role of the Convention: Standing as “ambassadors sent here to represent the Irish nation at home,” Redmond calls the convention a “supreme honour” and a vital link between Ireland and its diaspora. He urges Americans to recognize the Irish people’s enduring connection to their heritage and to support their cause.

The 1886 convention is part of a wave of Irish American activism during the Home Rule movement. Redmond, then a rising figure in Irish politics, is positioning himself as a unifying voice for both Irish Americans and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). His speech helps solidify his reputation as a skilled orator and a moderate yet principled leader.

Lord Russell of Killowen later cites this speech as evidence that the Irish Parliamentary Party is not aligned with the more radical physical force movement, highlighting its emphasis on justice and unity over sectarianism. The address remains a key example of Redmond’s ability to balance nationalist sentiment with appeals to shared human values.


by Leave a comment

Irish Nationalists Protest Across Northern Ireland

On August 14, 1969, in response to the escalating violence in Derry, County Londonderry, Irish nationalists hold protests across Northern Ireland, marking a turning point in the region’s political and sectarian conflict.

The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly Catholic Bogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.

Thousands of Catholic/nationalist residents, organised under the Derry Citizens’ Defence Association, resist the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and loyalist attacks. They build barricades, set up first aid posts, and even petrol bomb workshops. The RUC uses tear gas for the first time in United Kingdom police history, and residents fear the arrival of the armed Ulster Special Constabulary (B-Specials). The Bogside becomes a no-go area known as “Free Derry.”

On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.

By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.

The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.

In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.


by Leave a comment

The Hanging of IRA members Reginald Dunne & Joseph O’Sullivan

Reginald Dunne and Joseph O’Sullivan, members of the London Battalion of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), are hanged at Wandsworth Prison on August 10, 1922, for the assassination of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on June 22, 1922.

Wilson, a senior British Army officer and military advisor to the Belfast Government (Stormont), is shot dead on the steps of his Eaton Square home in London as he returns from an unveiling ceremony at Liverpool Street station. Dunne and O’Sullivan, both former British Army soldiers, have joined the London IRA and are active in the anti-Treaty republican movement. O’Sullivan lost a leg at Ypres, Belgium, in 1917, while Dunne served in the Irish Guards during World War I.

The killing is widely seen as a political act, with Dunne and O’Sullivan claiming to have acted in defence of Irish nationalist principles, blaming Wilson for the “Orange Terror” and the deployment of the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). Some historians suggest the assassination may have been intended to pressure Michael Collins to attack the Four Courts garrison, though no conclusive evidence of orders was ever established.

After the shooting, Dunne escapes but O’Sullivan is captured by a hostile crowd. Dunne attempts to rescue him but is himself arrested after wounding two police officers and a passerby. Both are tried quickly, found guilty after just three minutes of deliberation, and sentenced to death by Justice Montague Shearman.

Despite petitions from 45,000 people and appeals from figures like George Bernard Shaw, both men are executed on August 10, 1922, and buried within the prison grounds.

The executions are a major political flashpoint. It is only after the abolition of hanging that the law is changed and Joseph’s brother, with the assistance of the Irish National Graves Association, is able to arrange for the bodies of the two men to be repatriated to Ireland.

In 1967, the British government allows the bodies of Dunne and O’Sullivan to be exhumed and returned to Ireland. Former comrades accompany the bodies from England to Dublin Airport, where they place an Irish tricolour flag on Dunne’s coffin. This is the same flag that Dunne had placed on the coffin of Terence MacSwiney at Euston railway station when his body was returned to Cork in 1920.

Graveside orations are held in Dublin, attended by former comrades, Michael Collins’s associates, and representatives of Éamon de Valera, the president of Ireland. The bodies are reinterred in Dean’s Grange Cemetery outside Dublin in 1967.

Dunne’s trial speech, reprinted in the Irish Independent, remains a notable piece of republican political rhetoric, framing the act as a necessary stand for Irish rights.

(Pictured: Joseph O’Sullivan (left) and Reginald Dunne (right))


by Leave a comment

Birth of Christopher Burke, Prominent Irish Revolutionary

Christopher Patrick Burke, prominent Irish revolutionary, hunger striker, and sportsman, is born on August 4, 1898, in Drogheda, County Louth.

Burke is born into an influential Drogheda family, the Burkes of Duleek Street. His father, also named Christopher Patrick Burke, is a gas works secretary, and his mother is Mary McQuillan. The family lives initially on Coola Street before moving to Duleek Street after his father’s death in 1906.

Raised in a well-off household, Burke’s early years are shaped by the nationalist and cultural revival movements of the time, including the Gaelic League, which fosters physical resilience and republican ideals. His family connections, including to fellow revolutionary Thomas Burke, provide him with early exposure to Sinn Féin and Irish Volunteers activities.

Burke joins the Irish Volunteers in 1917, rising to officership. In 1919, he is appointed officer in command of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) arsenal in Bailieborough, County Cavan, a role recommended by General Seán Mac Eoin. He is the only IRA member skilled in forging cast iron hand grenades that fragment reliably, producing the majority of the IRA’s war munitions during the Irish War of Independence.

Burke operates under the nom de guerre “Seán Jones” (also “Seaghan Mac Seaghan”) and is captured on at least one occasion by British forces, later released in a prisoner exchange.

During the Irish Civil War, Burke undertakes a 23-day hunger strike, reflecting his continued commitment to republican resistance against the Irish Free State.

In 1932, Burke is brought to court by his older brother, Michael, after assaulting him in the family home on Duleek Street, Drogheda. The house had been left to Michael in the will of their aunt Jane McQuillan, who died in 1919, leaving the premises to him, but requiring his mother and two sisters, Mary “Maise” and Christina Mary “Tena”, to be supported there. However, Burke insists on living there, along with his brother Joseph, leading to a family dispute. The Justice rules that the will gives Michael Burke the ownership of the house and the tenants subject to the charges set out in it. He fines Burke five shillings.

After this, Burke goes into the dairy business with his brother Joseph, and builds a house on the family farm in Bryanstown, County Meath. He dies from coronary occlusion at the age of 65 in his home on June 23, 1964. His sister, Christina Mary “Tena” Burke is present at his death. His requiem mass is celebrated at St. Mary’s Church in Drogheda. His republican comrades attend the funeral, and the Mayor of Drogheda and members of the Drogheda Corporation walk in the cortége wearing their robes of office.

Burke’s contributions to the IRA’s armament production and his steadfast republican stance cements his place in Irish revolutionary history. His life bridges the technical skills of a craftsman with the political resolve of a nationalist leader, making him a notable figure in the struggle for Irish independence.


by Leave a comment

Birth of Thomas Brennan, Co-founder of the Irish National Land League

Thomas Brennan, an Irish republican, agrarian radical, and co-founder and joint secretary of the Irish National Land League, is born on July 28, 1853, at Yellow Furze, County Meath. He plays a key role in Irish land reform and nationalist activism.

Brennan is the second of two children to Patrick Brennan of the Catholic parish of Beauparc and Catherine Brennan (née Rourke). Little is recorded of his early education, but he develops a reputation as an intelligent and articulate public speaker. At age 18, he begins working as a clerk at Murtagh Bros., a Dublin-based bakery, alongside his uncle James Rourke. Through his connections with Patrick Egan, he and his uncle join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and become active in election campaigns and nationalist organizing.

By 1877–1878, Brennan has become the civil secretary of the Leinster IRB and honorary secretary of the Dublin Mechanics Institute. In 1879, he plays an instrumental role in establishing the Land League of Mayo, acting alongside Michael Davitt and Patrick Egan. When the Irish National Land League is formally founded in October 1879, Brennan is appointed assistant secretary, effectively helping manage the League’s operations and campaigns for tenant farmers.

Brennan is known for his eloquence at public rallies, often linking land agitation to Irish nationalist objectives and espousing radical, egalitarian ideas. During the Land League’s activities, he faces trial for encouraging non-payment of rent but is not convicted. He later takes on the duties of national secretary after Davitt’s arrest and authorizes the issuance of the “No Rent Manifesto” from Kilmainham Gaol in 1881, a pivotal document in Ireland’s land struggle.

Following internal shifts in Irish nationalist politics and limitations placed on his influence by Charles Stewart Parnell, Brennan emigrates to the United States. He works for Patrick Ford’s Irish World newspaper in New York City, critiquing aspects of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and emphasizing non-violent republican principles. By 1883, he settles in Omaha, Nebraska, partnering with Patrick Egan in the Omaha Mortgage Company, specializing in real estate, investment, and insurance. He becomes a respected businessman and seeks to maintain connections with the Irish American nationalist community.

Brennan never marries and eventually dedicates himself to business in Omaha. He passes away on December 19, 1912, in Omaha, Nebraska, having left a lasting impact on Irish land reform efforts and the nationalist movement. He is buried in Holy Sepulchre Cemetery in Omaha.

Brennan is remembered as a founder and key administrator of the Irish National Land League, a signatory of the “No Rent Manifesto,” and a prominent voice in the Irish republican movement. His advocacy helps shape the course of land reform in Ireland and fosters Irish nationalist sentiment both domestically and among the diaspora.

Sources confirm that his activism, speeches, and organizational skill were central to the Land League’s influence, and he remains a notable figure in 19th-century Irish political history.


by Leave a comment

John Mitchel Returns to Ireland from the United States

The Irish nationalist and republican John Mitchel returns to Ireland on July 25, 1872, after a long absence in the United States.

Mitchel, a writer for The Nation and founder of his own journal, United Irishman, openly preaches rebellion against England. Convicted of treason in 1848, he is sentenced to fourteen years transportation in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). In 1853, he escapes to the United States, where he publishes his Jail Journal. While in the United States, he is editor of the Richmond Examiner and a strong advocate of Confederate rights and champions slavery. He is imprisoned for several months following the end of the American Civil War.

Mitchel’s return visit to Ireland is prompted by political developments in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which has nominated him for seats in Cork City and Tipperary without informing him. His well-known skepticism toward constitutional “moral force” agitation makes it uncertain whether he will accept the nomination, but the nomination proceeds anyway.

Mitchel’s return is unexpected, yet is met with public acclaim. Upon arriving in Queenstown (now Cobh, County Cork), he is met by a large crowd, and when he reaches Cork, a procession of ten thousand people escorts him to his hotel. This demonstrates the respect and support he still commands among Irish nationalists, despite his exile in the United States since 1853.

Mitchel then goes to Newry, his native town, where he stays for a few months to recuperate his health and await any opportunity to be elected to Parliament. However, no parliamentary vacancy arises during his stay, and he eventually returns to New York City in October 1872.

Mitchel’s return is part of a pattern of political activity in his later years. In 1875, he is again nominated for Tipperary, elected without opposition, and declared an abstentionist MP — but his election is overturned by the British government on the grounds of his previous felony conviction. He dies in March 1875 in Dromolane, County Down, in the same house where he was born.

In summary, July 25, 1872, marks the beginning of a brief but politically charged visit to Ireland for John Mitchel, a figure remembered for his uncompromising republican stance and his role in the Young Ireland movement.


by Leave a comment

The Belfast Shipyard Expulsions

On July 21, 1920, the Belfast Shipyard Expulsions take place as thousands of Catholic workers and socialists in Belfast’s shipyards are attacked and driven from their jobs following Edward Carson’s speech on the Twelfth at Finaghy during the annual industrial holiday. This day marks the first day back at work after the holiday, and the violence erupts in the shipyards, particularly in the Harland & Wolff yards.

The disturbances are part of a wider Belfast pogrom in 1920, rooted in sectarian tensions between unionist and nationalist communities. The Twelfth of July celebrations in Finaghy have been a focal point for nationalist and socialist mobilisation, and Carson’s speech is seen by many Catholic workers as inflammatory, stoking fears of reprisals.

The targeted groups of the expulsions include Catholic workers, trade unionists, and socialist activists, many of whom are from the working class “plebeian” strata. Reports describe beatings, assaults, and intimidation in the shipyards, with workers being pushed out of their posts or forced to leave premises. The expulsions disrupt shipbuilding operations, as skilled labour is removed from the workforce overnight. The events reinforce sectarian divisions, with unionist groups and some employers using the violence to assert control over the workforce.

By July 1920, newspapers are the main source of news, with current affairs often appearing on later pages. Coverage in papers such as the Belfast News Letter, Belfast Telegraph, The Irish Times, and Freeman’s Journal describe the expulsions as part of a broader outbreak of violence, but without the front-page headlines typical of later conflicts. The absence of radio broadcasts means that news is spread through print, handbills, and word of mouth.

The July 21, 1920, expulsions are a turning point in the sectarian conflict in Belfast, marking a shift from political mobilisation to direct, violent confrontation in the industrial heart of the city. They reflect the deep entrenchment of sectarianism in the shipbuilding industry and foreshadow further violence in the years leading up to the Irish Civil War.


by Leave a comment

Irish Socialist Federation Farewell Dinner for James Connolly

On July 14, 1910, the Irish Socialist Federation (ISF) in New York City hosts a farewell dinner for James Connolly, marking the end of his time as its leader. This event is a significant moment in his career, as he had been instrumental in founding the Federation on March 29, 1907, and has been its driving force in organizing Irish socialist and trade union activity in the United States.

By 1910, Connolly has been active in the socialist movement in the United States for several years. He initially joins the Socialist Labor Party of America but becomes a full-time organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1905 to 1910, aligning with its syndicalist approach. His work with the Irish Socialist Federation has been central to building a network of Irish workers in America, linking them to socialist principles and Irish nationalist aspirations.

The July 14, 1910, dinner is a public acknowledgment of Connolly’s contributions and a symbolic send-off as he prepares to return to Ireland. Upon his return, he takes on a major role in the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), first in Belfast and then in Dublin, and later becomes acting General Secretary and Commandant of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA).

The political and labor impact of the event underscores Connolly’s growing influence in both the Irish socialist movement abroad and the domestic labor struggle. It reflects the Federation’s commitment to supporting Irish socialist leaders and their work in the United States and Ireland. It is also remembers as a key moment in Connolly’s transition from U.S. organizer to a central figure in the Irish labor and republican movements.

In short, the July 14, 1910, farewell dinner is both a personal farewell and a political milestone, highlighting Connolly’s role as a bridge between Irish socialism in the United States and the emerging labor and republican movements in Ireland.


by Leave a comment

Birth of Francis Desmond Wilson, Irish Catholic Priest

Francis Desmond Wilson, Irish Catholic priest, is born on July 8, 1925, in Belfast, Northern Ireland. He is renowned for his courageous community activism, advocacy for education, and role as a mediator during the Northern Ireland Troubles, earning him the title “the People’s Priest.”

Wilson is the youngest of five sons in a middle class Catholic family. Witnessing sectarian violence and the hardships faced by Catholics in Belfast, he initially considers careers in science or journalism but feels called to the priesthood to address social injustice. He studies at St. Malachy’s College and Queen’s University Belfast and is ordained in 1949.

Wilson begins his priestly career as a hospital chaplain, where he becomes aware of the systemic neglect and exploitation of women. This experience shapes his later advocacy for marginalized groups. In 1966, he is assigned to St. John’s parish in Ballymurphy, a heavily working class and nationalist area. Confronted with poverty, deprivation, and social neglect, he rejects a purely clerical role and chooses to live among his parishioners, earning deep community trust.

Wilson facilitates grassroots initiatives such as the Springhill Community House and the Conway Education Centre, establishing spaces for alternative education, vocational training, small business incubators, and cultural engagement. These efforts emphasize the empowerment of local communities, adult education, and economic development, drawing inspiration from liberation theology and Worker Priest models.

Wilson’s ministry coincides with some of the most violent years of the Northern Ireland Troubles. He provides support to families affected by violence, offers shelter and practical assistance, and maintains dialogue channels between republican and loyalist communities. He criticizes the Catholic Church for its detachment from the struggles of working class Catholics and refuses to condemn paramilitary groups acting as “alternative police and armies,” reflecting his nuanced approach to community protection and justice. Alongside figures like Fr. Alec Reid, he is instrumental in mediating discussions that contribute toward the peace process.

Wilson’s work earns widespread admiration for his courage, humanity, and commitment to justice. He hosts Mother Teresa in west Belfast, helping to establish charitable outreach in the community. Despite periods of estrangement with his bishop and being barred from celebrating Mass in churches, he continues his ministry at home and through community projects.

Wilson is also a prolific writer, recording diaries, pamphlets, and weekly columns, later commemorated in the documentary “Fr. Des – The Way He Saw It” narrated by Stephen Rea, and in theatre productions celebrating his life. President Michael D. Higgins and countless individuals recognize his significant role in civil rights, education, and peacemaking.

Wilson dies in Belfast on November 5, 2019, at the age of 94, leaving a lasting impact on Belfast and a model for socially committed clergy worldwide. His approach to ministry stands as a testament to living faith in solidarity with marginalized communities, emphasizing education, dialogue, and justice over institutional authority.

The institutions Wilson helps create, notably the Springhill Community House and Conway Mill, continue to support education, enterprise, and community engagement in Belfast, embodying Wilson’s vision of an empowered, inclusive society. His life remains an inspiration for those committed to social justice, peacebuilding, and community-centered ministry.

Wilson is remembered as a priest, educator, community activist, and mediator, whose dedication to the underprivileged and commitment to peace has left an indelible mark on Northern Ireland.