On August 29, 1922, six Irish Free State soldiers are killed in three separate ambushes, reflecting the intense and deadly engagements of the early Irish Civil War period.
The Irish Civil War (June 1922 – May 1923) erupts following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921, which creates the Irish Free State. Pro-Treaty forces, forming the National Army, clash with anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) elements refusing to accept the Treaty. This conflict includes both conventional and guerrilla phases, with August 1922 marking the end of the conventional campaign as Free State forces advance to secure towns in the south and southwest.
On this day, six Free State soldiers are killed in three distinct ambushes. Two soldiers died in Tullamore, County Offaly, one in Macroom, County Cork, and two in an ambush and firefight between Killorglin and Tralee, County Kerry. In Tullamore, Lieutenant Matthew Cullen of the 3rd Southern Division is fatally shot near Bonaterrin Hill, while Lieutenant Leahy is seriously wounded in the same attack. These ambushes are carried out by anti-Treaty forces and demonstrate the difficulties the National Army faces while attempting to secure supply routes and rural areas, even after major towns have fallen under Free State control.
These casualties underscore the dangers posed by guerrilla tactics, including ambushes, during the Irish Civil War. Free State soldiers are often young and inexperienced, and many fatalities occur in such rural confrontations. Despite these losses, the Free State maintains strategic momentum, continuing the offensive that eventually consolidates the new government’s control.
Overall, the Irish Civil War results in roughly 1,426 deaths in the Free State counties, with the National Army sustaining substantial casualties in actions like these ambushes. The conflict’s fatal events, including Tullamore on August 29, illustrate both the human cost of the war and the localized intensity of battles beyond major urban centers.
In summary, August 29, 1922, represents a notable moment in Irish Civil War history, highlighting the lethal impact of ambushes on Free State forces and the challenges of combatting anti-Treaty operations in rural Ireland. These events contribute to the broader struggle to establish the Irish Free State’s authority.
By mid-August 1922, the Irish Free State, under Michael Collins, has launched a decisive offensive to re-take towns and strongholds in the south and west. The anti-Treaty IRA, led by figures such as Liam Lynch, has been holding areas like County Cork, County Limerick, and much of County Kerry, including Killarney, in defiance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The Free State’s campaign aims to consolidate control over the territory and end the conventional phase of the war.
The ambush at Glenflesk is one of several IRA actions in County Kerry during this period. It occurs as Free State forces advance in the west, seeking to secure supply lines and isolate remaining anti-Treaty strongholds. The Anti-Treaty IRA, using guerrilla tactics, targets convoys and patrols to disrupt Free State operations.
While the exact casualty figures for this specific engagement are not detailed in the available records, such ambushes are part of a wider pattern of republican resistance. In County Kerry alone, Free State forces suffer multiple engagements in August, including a sniper kill at Tralee and ambushes on supply columns.
The Glenflesk ambush reflects the shift from conventional warfare to mobile, hit-and-run tactics by the anti-Treaty IRA after the Free State’s conventional offensives begin. County Kerry remains a contested area, with Killarney and surrounding towns serving as republican bases. Ambushes like this one aim to delay Free State advances and protect supply routes. While the Free State’s overall campaign succeeds in capturing major towns by late August, such ambushes prolong the conflict and keep republican forces active until the “dump arms” order in 1923.
In summary, the Glenflesk ambush of August 27, 1922, is a localized but significant IRA resistance action in County Kerry, emblematic of the guerrilla warfare that follows the Free State’s conventional offensives and contributes to the prolonged nature of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Michael Collins (left) and Liam Lynch (right))
By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.
Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.
Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.
Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.
In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.
On the morning of August 8, 1922, the National Army of the Irish Free State launches a decisive seaborne assault on Cork, County Cork, the Free State’s second largest city, which is held by anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) forces. The operation begins at Passage West, a ferry port and fishing village on the estuary of the River Lee, where the steamshipArvonia docks. The anti-Treaty IRA garrison in Cobh across the bay opens fire with three machine guns, but the National Army troops on deck respond with silence, surprising the sentry who had fired a warning shot.
Over 200 pro-Treaty soldiers disembark, quickly securing the town. The Arvonia is unloaded with 450 troops, an 18-pounder field gun, and several armoured cars. Simultaneously, landings are made at Youghal in east County Cork and Union Hall near Skibbereen in west County Cork, disgorging another 350 troops. This is part of Michael Collins’s plan to seize Cork and end the Irish Civil War swiftly.
Cork is a flashpoint of the Treaty split. While the majority of IRA fighters in the county oppose the Anglo-Irish Treaty, the majority of civilians support it. There are also strong neutral tendencies and peace calls within Cork’s civil and military communities. The Free State’s move aims to break the “Munster Republic” stronghold and force a rapid political settlement.
The landing marks the start of the Battle for Cork, which intensifies over the next days. National Army forces advance toward Cork city, encountering fierce resistance from anti-Treaty IRA positions in areas like Rochestown, Oldcourt Wood, and Garryduff. The fighting is brutal, with estimates of up to 20 fatalities and many wounded. The conflict also produces poignant moments, such as the death of Free State soldier Flood, shot by a former Irish War of Independence comrade, Frank O’Donoghue.
The August 8 landings are the decisive military stroke of the Irish Civil War. They re-take Cork for the Irish Free State, dismantle the Munster Republic, and end the conventional phase of the conflict, paving the way for a prolonged guerrilla war until the anti-Treaty side’s defeat. The event remains a key moment in Irish revolutionary history, remembered for its scale, the use of armoured units, and the deep divisions it exposes in Cork.
By mid-July 1922, the Free State has re-taken counties Limerick and Waterford, but the IRA still controls counties Cork and Kerry, as well as much of the west under Liam Lynch’s command. A purely land-based advance into these areas risks long, attritional battles. Dalton’s plan is to create a second front by landing troops along the County Kerry and County Cork coasts, isolating republican strongholds like Tralee.
The SS Lady Wicklow carries 450 soldiers of the Dublin Guardbrigade under Paddy Daly, along with a field gun and an armoured car nicknamed the Ex-Mutineer. The Dublin Guards are considered the most disciplined and politically reliable unit in the Army, and Daly is one of Michael Collins’ trusted lieutenants. The landing is intended to secure Fenit as a base for an amphibious assault on Tralee, a key republican stronghold.
The surprise attack catches the IRA forces off guard, taking their left flank in the rear. The Free State quickly advances, and by the following days, much of County Kerry is freed from republican control. The operation is part of a broader offensive that culminates in the capture of Tralee on August 2, one of the bloodiest single days of combat for the National Army.
While the initial landings are successful, the IRA mounts counterattacks over August and September, regaining some ground. However, the Free State’s superior resources, better equipment, and lack of popular support for the republicans allows them to consolidate control in County Kerry over time. The Fenit landing is a turning point, shifting the momentum in favour of the Free State and contributing to the eventual republican defeat in the Irish Civil War.
In summary, the August 2, 1922, naval landing at Fenit is a bold, surprise amphibious operation that disrupts republican defenses, opens County Kerry to Free State advance, and alters the course of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Free State troops landing at Fenit, County Kerry, on August 2, 1922)
Mitchel, a writer for The Nation and founder of his own journal, United Irishman, openly preaches rebellion against England. Convicted of treason in 1848, he is sentenced to fourteen years transportation in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). In 1853, he escapes to the United States, where he publishes his Jail Journal. While in the United States, he is editor of the Richmond Examiner and a strong advocate of Confederate rights and champions slavery. He is imprisoned for several months following the end of the American Civil War.
Mitchel’s return visit to Ireland is prompted by political developments in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which has nominated him for seats in Cork City and Tipperary without informing him. His well-known skepticism toward constitutional “moral force” agitation makes it uncertain whether he will accept the nomination, but the nomination proceeds anyway.
Mitchel’s return is unexpected, yet is met with public acclaim. Upon arriving in Queenstown (now Cobh, County Cork), he is met by a large crowd, and when he reaches Cork, a procession of ten thousand people escorts him to his hotel. This demonstrates the respect and support he still commands among Irish nationalists, despite his exile in the United States since 1853.
Mitchel then goes to Newry, his native town, where he stays for a few months to recuperate his health and await any opportunity to be elected to Parliament. However, no parliamentary vacancy arises during his stay, and he eventually returns to New York City in October 1872.
Mitchel’s return is part of a pattern of political activity in his later years. In 1875, he is again nominated for Tipperary, elected without opposition, and declared an abstentionistMP — but his election is overturned by the British government on the grounds of his previous felony conviction. He dies in March 1875 in Dromolane, County Down, in the same house where he was born.
In summary, July 25, 1872, marks the beginning of a brief but politically charged visit to Ireland for John Mitchel, a figure remembered for his uncompromising republican stance and his role in the Young Ireland movement.
Mathew’s family spends time abroad while his father manages business interests. He comes from a Roman Catholic family. His uncle is Theobald Mathew, the famous temperance campaigner. At the age of fifteen, he enters Trinity College Dublin (TCD), where he excels as a gold medalist and senior moderator, graduating in 1850. He then studies law at Lincoln’s Inn, London, and is called to the English Bar in 1851, building a strong foundation for a legal career despite a slow start at the junior bar.
Initially, Mathew’s legal career progresses slowly, though he is active in debating as a founding member of the Hardwicke Society. He handles numerous jury cases at the Guildhall sittings in London, where he gains experience in commercial law. He becomes treasury counsel during the Tichborne Claimant prosecution in 1873, noted for his composed handling of arguments without quarrel with opposing counsel. Despite opportunities, he refrains from applying for Queen’s Counsel due to a naturally weak voice, though his legal acumen and advocacy are highly respected.
In March 1881, Mathew is appointed to the Queen’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice and is knighted. He becomes known for his keen judgment, practical approach to legal issues, and eventual standing as one of the best nisi prius judges of his time. In 1895, he persuades fellow judges to establish a Commercial List, the precursor to today’s Commercial Court, and serves as the first judge presiding over it. He advances efficiency in commercial law by minimizing procedural delays, focusing on substantive issues, and producing concise judgments that inspire confidence in the mercantile community.
Mathew also chairs a 1892 royal commission on the evicted tenants in Ireland, despite challenges and disputes with landlords and Edward Carson. His recommendations influence the Wyndham Land Purchase Act (1903). In 1901, he is appointed to the Court of Appeal and continues to emphasize clarity and practicality in legal proceedings until a stroke in 1905 forces his resignation.
Mathew marries Elizabeth Biron in December 1861, with whom he has two sons and three daughters. His family includes notable figures, such as his daughter Elizabeth, who marries Irish MPJohn Dillon, and his grandson, James Matthew Dillon, a later politician. He has a deep cultural appreciation, enjoying music and literature, and maintains friendships across religious and political divides.
Mathew dies on November 9, 1908, at his London home, aged 78. He is buried in St. Joseph’s Cemetery, Cork. His legacy is most strongly associated with founding the Commercial Court, reforming commercial law procedures, and demonstrating a balanced mixture of legal rigor and practical common sense that influenced generations of judges and barristers. His contributions remain a cornerstone in the evolution of modern English and Welsh commercial law.
Barry returns to Bandon in early 1919. He describes in his guerilla days in Ireland a Damascus-like conversion to Irish nationalism on hearing of the Easter Rising while with the Mesopotamian expeditionary force, but he is only accepted into the IRA with considerable caution. Initially tested in intelligence and training work, in mid-1920 he takes charge of the new brigade flying column, which is used both to train officers and to stage offensive actions.
Barry adapts his military experience successfully to the demands of guerrilla warfare, becoming the most famed of column leaders during the Irish War of Independence. In his memoirs, he pours scorn on the obsession of many with military titles and orthodox procedure, complaining of a “paper army.” He stresses the need for spontaneity, initiative, and knowledge of local conditions. “The reality,” he writes, “was a group of fellows, mostly in caps and not-too-expensive clothing, wondering how to tackle their job and where they would sleep that night or get their supper.” (The Reality of the Anglo–Irish War (1974)). He well realises that the war’s character does not permit any close control from the IRA’s GHQ in Dublin, hence increasing the importance of local leaders. His tactics put strong emphasis on speed of movement and on the need to attack the enemy at his weakest point. The column’s ambush successes are small in number but among the best-remembered of the war. He admits, however, that his own and his column’s lack of experience with mines frequently weakened their offensives.
The column’s first successful ambush is at Tooreen on October 22, 1920, followed on November 28 by the dramatic ambushing of a patrol of auxiliaries at Kilmichael while traveling from their Macroom base. A column of thirty-six men, divided into three sections, kill sixteen auxiliaries, with one captured and later shot, suffering two fatalities of their own. Controversy has raged since over whether a false surrender by the British force caused the brutality of some of the deaths. Together with the Bloody Sunday killings of a week earlier in Dublin, Kilmichael has a profound effect on the British military and political establishment, with the declaration in December of martial law for much of Munster and the implementation of wide-ranging internment, together with the authorisation of official reprisals.
After a short period in hospital with a heart condition, in early 1921 Barry leads unsuccessful attacks on Kilbrittain, Innishannon, Drimoleague, and Bandon barracks. The seizure of Burgatia House, outside Rosscarbery, in early February, and the successful resistance made there to British troops, wins much publicity but has little military significance. He is a leading figure in the brutal final stage of the war in the first six months of 1921, which sees widespread shooting of suspected spies and destruction of loyalist property. By March 1921, his flying column, with 104 men, is easily the largest in Ireland, and an explosives expert, Capt. McCarthy, has joined them.
The protracted engagement between Barry’s column and encircling British forces at Crossbarry on March 19, 1921, comes at a time when large-scale sweeps are making life increasingly difficult for the IRA. It consists of a daring and courageous breakout. Crossbarry is the largest action of the war, and Barry is to regard it as even more important than Kilmichael. Soon afterwards, Rosscarbery barracks is successfully attacked by a Barry-led party, representing one of the few successful such initiatives in 1921. Isolated triumphs, however, cannot hide the fact that pressure is increasing on the column, and he becomes increasingly critical of inactive regions. He is later to say that all County Kerry does during the war is to shoot one decent police inspector at Listowel Racecourse and a colleague of his. He is strongly critical also of the lack of assistance from GHQ and of the divisionalisation policy. He visits Dublin in May, travels around with Michael Collins, and is present when two American officers demonstrate the Thompson submachine gun. He is more aware than most of his 1st Southern Division colleagues of the scarcity of arms and ammunition at the war’s end.
During the truce, Barry becomes liaison officer for Munster, riling the British by insisting on his military rank, and criticising the IRA liaison men in Dublin for being overly deferential. He joins the overwhelming majority of the Cork IRA in opposing the Anglo–Irish Treaty but plays a characteristically maverick role throughout the treaty split. His independent attitude is heightened by his dislike of Liam Lynch, the republican IRA’s Chief of Staff, and his continuing respect for Michael Collins. He shows impatience at the long-drawn-out peace initiatives. In March 1922, therefore, he advocates armed confrontation with pro-treaty units over the occupation of barracks in Limerick, and on June 18 he submits a resolution, which only narrowly fails, at the army convention, giving British troops seventy-two hours to leave Dublin.
At the beginning of the Irish Civil War, Barry is arrested entering the Four Courts disguised as a woman. He escapes from an internment camp at Gormanston in early September 1922. For the rest of the war his actions mirror its confused nature. In late October 1922, he leads successful raids on the small towns of Ballineen and Enniskean, and later on Inchigeelagh and Ballyvourney. In December his column takes Carrick-on-Suir, demonstrating the weakness of the Free State army, but his talk of advancing on the Curragh and of large-scale actions does not materialise. There is no evidence that he is acting in accordance with any coordinated plan. By February 1923, he realises that the Republican IRA cause is hopeless and he is involved with Fr. Tom Duggan in efforts to get 1st Southern Division to declare a ceasefire. He journeys to Dublin to put pressure on the intransigent Lynch in this connection, telling Lynch, “I did more fighting in one week than you did in your whole life.”
Barry avoids capture in roundups after the war, remaining on the run until 1924. Unlike many republicans, he does not turn to constitutionalism, remaining strongly militaristic. He is always an unreconstructed republican, though by no means a naive one. In 1924 he becomes attached to Cleeves Milk Co., based in Limerick and Clonmel, and from 1927 to retirement in 1965 is general superintendent with the Cork harbour commissioners. He strongly advocates preserving the independence of the IRA army executive during the republican split of 1925–27. He is instrumental in continuing the drilling of IRA members and is a strong supporter of armed opposition to the Blueshirts.
During the 1930s Barry is arrested at various times for possession of arms and seditious utterances. He promotes an attack against a Freemasons’ meeting in Cork in 1936 and gives the orders for the killing on March 4 of that year of Vice-AdmiralHenry Boyle Somerville. He is opposed to the use by Frank Ryan of IRA volunteers to support the republican cause in the Spanish Civil War and to the proposals of Seán Russell for a bombing campaign in England. To maintain the link with traditional republicanism, he is elected IRA chief of staff in 1937. His plan, however, for the seizure of Armagh city, as part of a direct northern offensive, quickly collapses due to a leak of information, and he soon resigns his position. He forcefully attacks the bombing of English cities in 1938, regarding attacks on innocent civilians as immoral and counterproductive. He enlists in the National Army on July 12, 1940, only to be demobilised a month later. In 1946, he stands as an independent candidate in a by-election in the Cork Borough constituency, finishing at the bottom of the poll. He is more comfortable the following year touring the United States on an anti-partition platform.
In 1949 his Guerilla Days in Ireland is published. It proves a best-seller and has frequently been reprinted. It is well written in a forceful and direct style, one memoir needing no assistance from a ghost writer. Age does not mellow him: lawyers and bank managers are threatened by him over matters relating to his own column, and in 1974 he publishes a fierce pamphlet, angry at perceived slights in the Irish War of Independence memoir of Liam Deasy. He does strive to achieve a public reconciliation with Collins’s memory by unveiling the memorial to Collins at Sam’s Cross in 1966. On the outbreak of the Northern Ireland crisis in the late 1960s, he takes a militant line, castigating the argument that the Six Counties can be brought into the Republic by peaceful means, and asking when had peaceful means existed there. At the memorial meeting in Carrowkennedy, County Mayo, in 1971, he claims that there is a perfect right at the opportune time to take the Six Counties by force. He remains opposed to IRA bombing of civilian targets.
Barry dies in Cork on July 2, 1980. He is buried in St. Finbarr’s Cemetery, Cork. Early in the truce of 1921 he marries Leslie Price, one of the most active of Cumann na mBan members during and after the rising. They have no children.
While Barry always remains an influential figure in republican circles, he will be remembered best as the pioneer of guerrilla warfare, the hero of Kilmichael and Crossbarry. His military flair, individualism, and ruthlessness are well suited to the 1919–21 conflict. After that, his strained relations with colleagues and his lack of flexibility reduce his importance. While his life after the revolutionary era appears anti-climactic, he retains much of his charisma. In later years, he is ever willing to remind politicians and historians how far Ireland has retreated from republican ideals. He is often prickly and autocratic yet could be generous to old colleagues of either side of the treaty split. He is arguably the most intelligent but also the most intolerant of the revolutionary leaders.
(From: “Barry, Thomas Bernadine (‘Tom’)” by M. A. Hopkinson, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Rice joins the Irish Volunteers in 1913 but does not take part in the 1916 Easter Rising. For a time, he shares lodgings in Rock Street, Tralee, with Austin Stack, and like Stack he is a Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) member, playing hurling with Kenmare. At the outbreak of the Irish War of Independence (1919-1921), he becomes Officer Commanding of the 5th Battalion of the Kerry No. 2 Brigade. He also holds the post of second in command of that brigade, under Humphrey Murphy. On April 26, 1921, he attends the meeting in Kippagh, County Tipperary, that sees the establishment of the First Southern Division. After the truce, Murphy is transferred to command Kerry No. 1 Brigade, and Rice becomes commanding officer of Kerry No. 2.
Rice opposes the Anglo-Irish Treaty and leads the brigade throughout the Irish Civil War (1922-1923). When Michael Collins comes to Killarney on April 22, 1922, to speak in favour of the agreement, he is met at the train station by a group of fifty men, led by Rice, who attempt to prevent him from speaking. The meeting goes ahead despite several attempts by the group to stop it. During the civil war he leads his men into Limerick, briefly seizing Rathkeale, but for the most part they are on the defensive. In September he commands a force of seventy republicans to take Kenmare. This is a rare and morale-boosting success. When the First Southern Division council meets on February 26-28, 1923, he is one of only two senior officers, among a group of eighteen, who feel that it is worth fighting on.
Shortly after the civil war, Rice marries Nora Aherne, a Cumann na mBan member; they have one son, George. After the war he continues to be active in the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Féin. He attends IRA executive meetings in 1923 and is involved in attempts to reorganise the IRA in 1924. He is a delegate to the Sinn Féin ardfheis in 1926, opposing the proposal of Éamon de Valera that abstention be a matter of policy rather than principle. He is elected as a Sinn Féin TD for the Kerry South constituency at the 1957 Irish general election. He does not take his seat in the Dáil due to the Sinn Féin policy of abstentionism. He is one of four Sinn Féin TDs elected at the 1957 Irish general election, the others being Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, John Joe McGirl and Eighneachán Ó hAnnluain. During his time as a TD, he campaigns against the Special Powers Act, which grants the Irish state extra abilities to deal with and punish suspected members of the IRA. He is defeated at the 1961 Irish general election.
In 1966, Rice and fellow Kerry Republican John Joe Sheehy are expelled from Sinn Féin, as are many others, by the new Marxist-Leninist party leadership that had recently come into power. This move both foreshadows and fuels the split in 1969/1970 of both the IRA and Sinn Féin, which leads to the creation of the Marxist-Leninist Official IRA and the more traditional but still left-wing Provisional IRA, and in parallel Sinn Féin – The Workers’ Party and “Provisional” Sinn Féin. Rice gives his support to the Provisionals.
Rice drives an oil lorry for a time and then becomes manager of the Tralee branch of Messrs Nash, mineral water manufacturers and bottlers. He remains in this position until his retirement in 1965. He dies on July 24, 1970, at his son’s residence in Oakview, Tralee.
Rice’s sister, Rosalie, is a member of Cumann na mBan during the 1916 Easter Rising and is arrested for sending a telegram alerting the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in the United States to the rising. His cousins Eugene and Timothy Ring are members of the IRB and are also involved with the telegram. His grandfather, Timothy Ring, was a Fenian who fought in the uprising. Two of his cousins are members of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) who both help the republican side during the Irish revolutionary period.
Yelverton is the eldest son of Francis Yelverton of Kanturk, County Cork, and Elizabeth Barry, daughter of Jonas Barry of Kilbrin (now Ballyclogh, County Cork). His father dies when he is only ten. His mother reaches a great age, dying only a year before her son. He goes to school in Charleville and Midleton College, and attends Trinity College Dublin, where he takes a degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1757 and of Bachelor of Laws in 1761. His family lacks wealth and social position and he is for some years an assistant master under Andrew Buck in the Hibernian Academy. This menial occupation is later a source of great embarrassment to him, as his enemies love to ridicule him as “Buck’s usher.”
In 1761, Yelverton marries Mary Nugent, daughter of William Nugent of Clonlost, County Westmeath, and his wife Ursula Aglionby, a lady of some fortune, and is thus enabled to read for the Irish Bar, entering the Middle Temple. He is called to the Bar in 1764. Despite his lack of family connections, his success in his profession is rapid, due to his legal ability, charm and remarkable eloquence, and he takes silk eight years afterward.
Yelverton is elected to the Irish House of Commons as member for Donegal Borough from 1774 to 1776. In the latter year, he is elected for both Belfast and Carrickfergus. He chooses to sit for the latter constituency and represents Carrickfergus until 1784. Although few examples of his oratory survive, all contemporaries agree on his eloquence, which gives him a dominant position in the Commons. He also serves as Recorder of Carrickfergus from 1778 until his death. This is not a Crown appointment as the Recorder is elected by a vote of the entire town corporation.
Yelverton gives his support to Henry Grattan and the Whigs during the greater part of his parliamentary career. He is a strong supporter of the demand for an independent Irish Parliament, but later changes his stance.
Yelverton plays a crucial role in the reforms which are collectively called the Irish Constitution of 1782. In particular he sponsors the Act 21 and 22 of George III, An Act to regulate the manner of passing bills and to prevent delays in summoning of Parliaments – which is popularly known as “Yelverton’s Act.” This radically modifies Poynings’ Law of 1495 by which all legislation to be passed by the Irish Parliament has to be drafted by the Privy Council of Ireland, then sent to the English privy council for approval. Under Yelverton’s Act, the role of the Irish Privy Council is abolished and legislation is commenced in the normal way in the Irish Parliament, which for the last 17 years of its existence enjoys a wide measure of independence.
In his latter days, Yelverton becomes identified with the court party and votes for the Act of Union 1800, for which his viscounty is a reward. For this he is never forgiven by many of his former friends. Sir Jonah Barrington, who continues to regard Yelverton with affection and respect, regrets that this action should have destroyed his reputation forever, but he argues that such a mistake of judgment is understandable in a man who lacks worldly wisdom, and despite his many good qualities, does not have a strong moral sense.
Yelverton becomes Attorney-General for Ireland in 1782, and is elevated to the bench as Lord Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer in 1783. He is created Baron Yelverton in 1795, and in 1800 Viscount Avonmore in the Peerage of Ireland. As Chief Baron, he leads the opposition to the proposal to increase the number of judges in each of the courts of common law from three to four, on the practical ground that four-judge courts often divide evenly and thus cannot reach an effective decision. Despite this common-sense view, the new judges are eventually appointed.
In 1797, Yelverton attains a degree of infamy for presiding over what is widely regarded as a “show trial” which leads to the execution of the United Irishman, William Orr, although he is said to have shed tears when passing the death sentence on Orr. Orr is charged with administering the United Irish oath to a soldier called Hugh Wheatly. This had recently become a capital offence. In fact, it is generally believed that another man, William McKeever, administered the oath. Wheatly, who is the principal witness for the prosecution, later confesses that he had perjured himself, but despite a superb defence by John Philpot Curran, Orr is found guilty and hanged. Yelverton may have formed an early impression of Orr’s guilt and acted on it – even his admirers admitted that as a judge he lacks impartiality.
Peter Finnerty, a journalist, is later convicted of seditious libel for publishing an attack on Yelverton over his conduct of Orr’s trial and this does nothing to enhance the judge’s reputation.
Yelverton dies on August 19, 1805, at his mansion, Fortfield House, Terenure, County Dublin, which he had built at great expense around 1785. He is buried nearby in Rathfarnham.
seamus dubhghaill 