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Tag Archives: Irish Civil War


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Anti-Treaty IRA 4th Northern Division Attacks Dundalk

On August 16, 1922, three hundred men of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) 4th Northern Division, commanded by Frank Aiken, launches an attack on Dundalk in County Louth during the early phase of the Irish Civil War. This operation is part of a broader campaign by Anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State army and to disrupt Free State control in the border counties.

By mid-1922, the Irish Civil War begins after the Anglo-Irish Treaty splits the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The 4th Northern Division, based in counties Armagh, Down, and Louth, is one of the most formidable Anti-Treaty units in the region. Frank Aiken, a veteran IRA commander, has rebuilt this division during the Truce period, using it for guerrilla operations and border raids.

The Free State Army, under the National Army, is consolidating control in southern and midland counties, while Anti-Treaty forces focus on border counties to prevent Free State expansion and to maintain resistance.

The August 16 assault on Dundalk is a border raid aimed at disrupting Free State supply lines and communications, isolating and weakening Free State positions in the Louth area and demonstrating Anti-Treaty strength to other IRA units and the wider population. They use two mines to breach the walls of the barracks and temporarily take over the town.

Seven Free State soldiers are killed and fifteen are wounded. Two republicans are killed, accidentally by one of their own mines, and thirty are wounded. About 240 republican prisoners are freed from the prison and 400 rifles are taken. Aiken, however, does not try to hold the town and, while in possession of it, calls for a truce in a meeting in the town square.

While the attack is significant in symbolic terms, it does not achieve a decisive strategic breakthrough. Free State forces are able to regroup and counterattack, and the operation highlights the challenges Anti-Treaty units face in sustaining large-scale offensives against a better-equipped and more mobile National Army.

The raid exemplifies the “war along the border” strategy, where Anti-Treaty forces target Free State-held border towns and infrastructure. Aiken’s leadership as commander of the 4th Northern Division underscores his reputation as a skilled guerrilla leader. The attack reflects the early Civil War pattern of small-scale, mobile raids by Anti-Treaty forces against Free State-held towns and garrisons.

In summary, the August 16, 1922, Dundalk attack is a notable Anti-Treaty IRA operation that showcases the 4th Northern Division’s capabilities but also the limitations of their conventional-style assaults against the Free State’s growing military presence.

(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division of the Irish Republican Army)


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Liam Lynch & the Anti-Treaty IRA Abandon Fermoy

On August 11, 1922, Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA), abandons Fermoy — the last major republican-held town in County Cork — as the Free State forces advance. This marks a significant turning point in the Irish Civil War, symbolizing the collapse of the IRA’s last strongholds in County Cork.

By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.

Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.

Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.

Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.

In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch, shortly before the start of the Civil War. Photo © RTE Photographic Archive)


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The Free State Seaborne Landings in Cork

On the morning of August 8, 1922, the National Army of the Irish Free State launches a decisive seaborne assault on Cork, County Cork, the Free State’s second largest city, which is held by anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) forces. The operation begins at Passage West, a ferry port and fishing village on the estuary of the River Lee, where the steamship Arvonia docks. The anti-Treaty IRA garrison in Cobh across the bay opens fire with three machine guns, but the National Army troops on deck respond with silence, surprising the sentry who had fired a warning shot.

Over 200 pro-Treaty soldiers disembark, quickly securing the town. The Arvonia is unloaded with 450 troops, an 18-pounder field gun, and several armoured cars. Simultaneously, landings are made at Youghal in east County Cork and Union Hall near Skibbereen in west County Cork, disgorging another 350 troops. This is part of Michael Collins’s plan to seize Cork and end the Irish Civil War swiftly.

Cork is a flashpoint of the Treaty split. While the majority of IRA fighters in the county oppose the Anglo-Irish Treaty, the majority of civilians support it. There are also strong neutral tendencies and peace calls within Cork’s civil and military communities. The Free State’s move aims to break the “Munster Republic” stronghold and force a rapid political settlement.

The landing marks the start of the Battle for Cork, which intensifies over the next days. National Army forces advance toward Cork city, encountering fierce resistance from anti-Treaty IRA positions in areas like Rochestown, Oldcourt Wood, and Garryduff. The fighting is brutal, with estimates of up to 20 fatalities and many wounded. The conflict also produces poignant moments, such as the death of Free State soldier Flood, shot by a former Irish War of Independence comrade, Frank O’Donoghue.

The August 8 landings are the decisive military stroke of the Irish Civil War. They re-take Cork for the Irish Free State, dismantle the Munster Republic, and end the conventional phase of the conflict, paving the way for a prolonged guerrilla war until the anti-Treaty side’s defeat. The event remains a key moment in Irish revolutionary history, remembered for its scale, the use of armoured units, and the deep divisions it exposes in Cork.


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Death of IRA Volunteer Joe Hudson

On August 7, 1922, Joe Hudson (also known as “Sonny” Hudson), an anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteer from Glasthule, Dún Laoghaire, is shot dead in his garden at 3 Carrolls Cottages by an Irish Free State Army (National Army) officer. He is in command of a small anti‑Treaty IRA group active in the area, operating from Glasthule down to Bray and across to Deansgrange.

Free State Army officers, acting on intelligence that a meeting is in progress at Hudson’s home, leave Portobello Barracks (now Cathal Brugha Barracks) in two cars. As they approach, a Fianna Éireann member on sentry duty blows his whistle, alerting the occupants. The group scatters through the back garden, and Hudson is injured, dropping his weapon. A Free State Army officer approaches him at point‑blank range and shoots him.

At the time of his death, Hudson reportedly has his hands up, and he makes a deathbed declaration to that effect. An automatic pistol is found with him, but it is loaded with the wrong calibre ammunition, suggesting he could not have fired it.

Hudson’s killing occurs during a period of intense guerrilla warfare in south County Dublin. The area had seen earlier clashes between pro‑ and anti‑Treaty forces, and by August 1922, anti‑Treaty IRA columns are active in Dún Laoghaire and surrounding towns. His death is part of a broader campaign by Irish Free State forces to suppress anti‑Treaty resistance in the region.

Hudson’s case is remembered as one of the more controversial incidents of the Irish Civil War, reflecting the brutality and political divisions of the conflict. His father, Joseph Hudson Snr, was also an IRA volunteer.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Attempts to Isolate Dublin

In the early morning of August 5, 1922, during the Irish Civil War, around 200 anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteers are mobilised around Dublin. Their mission is to isolate the city by destroying all bridges and road crossings leading into it, cutting off Free State forces and supplies.

The anti-Treaty IRA, opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the newly established Irish Free State, aim to dismantle the stone bridges over Dublin’s rivers and canal, lay explosives on road and railway bridges, dig trenches in roads to block movement and scout the surrounding countryside for Free State troops.

They are organised in groups of 5–40, some armed with handguns and grenades, others with explosives and tools like spades and picks. Parties are sighted in the hills south of the city (from Kilakee to Roundwood) and across villages north of Dublin (from Raheny to Blanchardstown).

The Free State’s intelligence service intercepts the plan when Liam Clarke, a captured anti-Treaty officer, reveals the details to Free State Intelligence officers. This intelligence allows the Free State to anticipate and counter the operation.

On August 6, Free State forces move quickly to intercept the IRA. They capture 31 anti-Treaty irregulars at Glencullen Bridge (pictured) and later take 104 fighters in County Dublin, including officer Pat Sweeney. These actions cripple the remnants of the anti-Treaty IRA in Dublin and prevent the city from being isolated.

The “Bridges Job” is a major anti-Treaty attempt to cut off Dublin during the Irish Civil War. Its failure marks a turning point, as Free State forces can now move freely into the city, accelerating the end of the conventional phase of the conflict.


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Birth of Christopher Burke, Prominent Irish Revolutionary

Christopher Patrick Burke, prominent Irish revolutionary, hunger striker, and sportsman, is born on August 4, 1898, in Drogheda, County Louth.

Burke is born into an influential Drogheda family, the Burkes of Duleek Street. His father, also named Christopher Patrick Burke, is a gas works secretary, and his mother is Mary McQuillan. The family lives initially on Coola Street before moving to Duleek Street after his father’s death in 1906.

Raised in a well-off household, Burke’s early years are shaped by the nationalist and cultural revival movements of the time, including the Gaelic League, which fosters physical resilience and republican ideals. His family connections, including to fellow revolutionary Thomas Burke, provide him with early exposure to Sinn Féin and Irish Volunteers activities.

Burke joins the Irish Volunteers in 1917, rising to officership. In 1919, he is appointed officer in command of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) arsenal in Bailieborough, County Cavan, a role recommended by General Seán Mac Eoin. He is the only IRA member skilled in forging cast iron hand grenades that fragment reliably, producing the majority of the IRA’s war munitions during the Irish War of Independence.

Burke operates under the nom de guerre “Seán Jones” (also “Seaghan Mac Seaghan”) and is captured on at least one occasion by British forces, later released in a prisoner exchange.

During the Irish Civil War, Burke undertakes a 23-day hunger strike, reflecting his continued commitment to republican resistance against the Irish Free State.

In 1932, Burke is brought to court by his older brother, Michael, after assaulting him in the family home on Duleek Street, Drogheda. The house had been left to Michael in the will of their aunt Jane McQuillan, who died in 1919, leaving the premises to him, but requiring his mother and two sisters, Mary “Maise” and Christina Mary “Tena”, to be supported there. However, Burke insists on living there, along with his brother Joseph, leading to a family dispute. The Justice rules that the will gives Michael Burke the ownership of the house and the tenants subject to the charges set out in it. He fines Burke five shillings.

After this, Burke goes into the dairy business with his brother Joseph, and builds a house on the family farm in Bryanstown, County Meath. He dies from coronary occlusion at the age of 65 in his home on June 23, 1964. His sister, Christina Mary “Tena” Burke is present at his death. His requiem mass is celebrated at St. Mary’s Church in Drogheda. His republican comrades attend the funeral, and the Mayor of Drogheda and members of the Drogheda Corporation walk in the cortége wearing their robes of office.

Burke’s contributions to the IRA’s armament production and his steadfast republican stance cements his place in Irish revolutionary history. His life bridges the technical skills of a craftsman with the political resolve of a nationalist leader, making him a notable figure in the struggle for Irish independence.


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The Body of Harry McEntee of the IRA Dublin Brigade is Found

On August 3, 1923, the body of Captain Henry Hugh “Harry” McEntee is found at Dubber Cross near Jamestown Road, Finglas, County Dublin. McEntee, 26, is a carpenter and a member of the Irish Republican Army’s Dublin Brigade, serving on the active service unit (ASU) during the Irish Civil War.

McEntee is abducted by members of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), based at Oriel House, Westland Row, who are linked to National Army Intelligence and the Protective Corps. He is reportedly threatened by CID officers before his death. The abduction occurs on July 31, 1923, near his home on Gloucester Street (now Seán McDermott Street).

On the morning of August 3, his body is discovered in a field at Maher’s farm, close to Jamestown Road in Finglas. He had been shot dead. The exact details of his capture and killing are later ordered to be destroyed in 1932 by the Pro-Treaty government.

McEntee is buried in the Republican Plot at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin. A National Graves Association memorial plaque is placed there around 1932 and is maintained by the Fianna Sluagh in Finglas during the 1950s–60s. In 2023, his family and community commemorate the centenary of his death, remembering him as a skilled carpenter, devoted father, and soldier of the Irish Citizen Army.

In summary, Henry McEntee’s abduction and murder in August 1923 are part of the violent post-war repression of anti-Treaty IRA members, and his case remains a poignant example of the personal toll of Ireland’s Civil War.


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Irish Free State Army’s Seaborne Landing at Fenit, County Kerry

On Wednesday, August 2, 1922, the Irish Free State’s National Army launches a seaborne landing at Fenit pier, County Kerry, marking the first of a series of amphibious assaults in the Cork and Kerry campaign. The operation is conceived by Major General Emmet Dalton as a way to strike at the anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) “Munster Republic” from the rear, exploiting the element of surprise to shorten the war.

By mid-July 1922, the Free State has re-taken counties Limerick and Waterford, but the IRA still controls counties Cork and Kerry, as well as much of the west under Liam Lynch’s command. A purely land-based advance into these areas risks long, attritional battles. Dalton’s plan is to create a second front by landing troops along the County Kerry and County Cork coasts, isolating republican strongholds like Tralee.

The SS Lady Wicklow carries 450 soldiers of the Dublin Guard brigade under Paddy Daly, along with a field gun and an armoured car nicknamed the Ex-Mutineer. The Dublin Guards are considered the most disciplined and politically reliable unit in the Army, and Daly is one of Michael Collins’ trusted lieutenants. The landing is intended to secure Fenit as a base for an amphibious assault on Tralee, a key republican stronghold.

The surprise attack catches the IRA forces off guard, taking their left flank in the rear. The Free State quickly advances, and by the following days, much of County Kerry is freed from republican control. The operation is part of a broader offensive that culminates in the capture of Tralee on August 2, one of the bloodiest single days of combat for the National Army.

While the initial landings are successful, the IRA mounts counterattacks over August and September, regaining some ground. However, the Free State’s superior resources, better equipment, and lack of popular support for the republicans allows them to consolidate control in County Kerry over time. The Fenit landing is a turning point, shifting the momentum in favour of the Free State and contributing to the eventual republican defeat in the Irish Civil War.

In summary, the August 2, 1922, naval landing at Fenit is a bold, surprise amphibious operation that disrupts republican defenses, opens County Kerry to Free State advance, and alters the course of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Free State troops landing at Fenit, County Kerry, on August 2, 1922)


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3rd Tipperary Brigade IRA Ambushes in County Tipperary

On July 31, 1920, the 3rd Tipperary Brigade Irish Republican Army (IRA), under the leadership of Dinny Lacey, carries out two successful ambushes in southern County Tipperary. These actions are part of the IRA’s broader campaign of guerrilla warfare against British Crown Forces during the Irish War of Independence.

The 3rd Tipperary Brigade is one of the most active IRA units in mid-Munster, operating mainly in southern County Tipperary and parts of County Limerick. It is known for its mobility and effectiveness in ambush tactics. Dinny Lacey, as a senior commander, is instrumental in planning and executing these operations.

While the exact details of the July 31 operations are not fully documented in the provided sources, the date falls within a period of intense IRA activity in the region. In July 1920, the IRA has already conducted several notable actions in County Tipperary, including the Newtown Cross Ambush on July 2, 1920, in which Sergeant Robert Tobin is killed and Constable Brady is wounded, and the Dingle Ambush on July 13, 1920, in which two Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) men are killed.

These earlier incidents show that IRA forces in southern County Tipperary are actively targeting RIC patrols and outposts, and the July 31 ambushes are likely part of a similar pattern of harassment and disruption.

Successful ambushes like these weaken British control in rural County Tipperary, disrupt police and military operations, demonstrate the IRA’s ability to strike quickly and effectively in difficult terrain and contribute to the overall IRA strategy of attrition and intimidation.

The brigade continues to operate under Lacey’s leadership until his death in 1923 during the Irish Civil War. His tactics in 1920 help establish the 3rd Tipperary Brigade as a key player in the IRA’s campaign in the south.

In summary, on July 31, 1920, Dinny Lacey’s IRA unit in southern County Tipperary executes two successful ambushes, continuing a series of targeted attacks that are central to the IRA’s guerrilla campaign against British forces in the region.

(Pictured: Dinny Lacey, senior commander, 3rd Tipperary Brigade, Irish Republican Army)


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The Belfast Shipyard Expulsions

On July 21, 1920, the Belfast Shipyard Expulsions take place as thousands of Catholic workers and socialists in Belfast’s shipyards are attacked and driven from their jobs following Edward Carson’s speech on the Twelfth at Finaghy during the annual industrial holiday. This day marks the first day back at work after the holiday, and the violence erupts in the shipyards, particularly in the Harland & Wolff yards.

The disturbances are part of a wider Belfast pogrom in 1920, rooted in sectarian tensions between unionist and nationalist communities. The Twelfth of July celebrations in Finaghy have been a focal point for nationalist and socialist mobilisation, and Carson’s speech is seen by many Catholic workers as inflammatory, stoking fears of reprisals.

The targeted groups of the expulsions include Catholic workers, trade unionists, and socialist activists, many of whom are from the working class “plebeian” strata. Reports describe beatings, assaults, and intimidation in the shipyards, with workers being pushed out of their posts or forced to leave premises. The expulsions disrupt shipbuilding operations, as skilled labour is removed from the workforce overnight. The events reinforce sectarian divisions, with unionist groups and some employers using the violence to assert control over the workforce.

By July 1920, newspapers are the main source of news, with current affairs often appearing on later pages. Coverage in papers such as the Belfast News Letter, Belfast Telegraph, The Irish Times, and Freeman’s Journal describe the expulsions as part of a broader outbreak of violence, but without the front-page headlines typical of later conflicts. The absence of radio broadcasts means that news is spread through print, handbills, and word of mouth.

The July 21, 1920, expulsions are a turning point in the sectarian conflict in Belfast, marking a shift from political mobilisation to direct, violent confrontation in the industrial heart of the city. They reflect the deep entrenchment of sectarianism in the shipbuilding industry and foreshadow further violence in the years leading up to the Irish Civil War.