On the stormy Saturday morning of November 4, 1922, a major engagement takes place in the West Cork villages of Ballineen and Enniskean, marking one of the last significant clashes of the Irish Civil War.
The attack is led by GeneralTom Barry, who had recently escaped internment in Kildare, alongside Irish Republican Army (IRA) figures M. Donovan, P. Kearney, and M. Crowley. The Free State (Provisional Government) had established military posts in both villages, with 38 soldiers and two officers at Ballineen under Captain Ben Byrne, and 25 soldiers and one officer at Enniskean under Captain Larry Finnegan. Both captains served with Michael Collins’s “Squad” during the Irish War of Independence.
The IRA force, estimated at two hundred or more, targets the O’Donovan’s Hotel in Ballineen, taking the ground floor and besieging the Free State troops on the upper floor with a Lewis gun. Byrne attempts to fight from a back window but is overpowered and taken prisoner. IRA fighters also move to Enniskean, where house-to-house fighting ensues.
Private Thomas Gallagher (18) of the Free State Army Medical Corps is fatally shot in Ballineen while assisting Private Michael Woods, who also dies. Private Andrew Hogan (24), veteran of World War I and the Irish War of Independence, is wounded in the thigh and later dies from sepsis. In Enniskean, Private Andrew Hogan is wounded while others are captured or killed.
Five Free State soldiers are wounded (two later die), including Captain Byrne. The IRA suffers three dead, several wounded, and some captured.
The IRA succeeds in overrunning the Ballineen position and inflicting serious casualties, but expected reinforcements lead them to withdraw. Free State troops retake control of both villages.
This day-long battle is notable for its stormy conditions, the mixed veteran and young recruits on both sides, and the personal histories of many involved. It reflects the Irish Civil War’s shift from large-scale conventional battles to guerrilla-style engagements in rural areas.
Today, the event is remembered as a forgotten but pivotal moment in the final months of the Irish Civil War, symbolizing the struggle between the Free State and anti-Treaty forces in the West Cork region.
By late 1922, the Irish Civil War is in its final phase. The Free State, under Michael Collins, has just launched its decisive offensive in July–August 1922, re-taking major towns and consolidating control over the east of Ireland. Mulcahy, as head of the National Army, is a key pro-Treaty military leader, and his residence is a high-value target for anti-Treaty forces seeking to disrupt Free State command structures.
The IRA assault targets the residence, which is situated next to a military barracks, making it a symbolic and strategic site. According to historical accounts, a grenade is thrown at the building but fails to detonate. The Free State guard is quickly reinforced, and the attackers are repelled with one man killed.
This incident reflects the ongoing tension between pro- and anti-Treaty forces in late 1922. While the Free State has regained the capital and much of the east, anti-Treaty IRA units continue to strike at military and political leaders, aiming to undermine the legitimacy of the new state. The Portobello attack is part of a broader campaign of sabotage and targeted violence during the final months of the Civil War.
In related events, on November 2, anti-Treaty volunteers attempt to assassinate Mulcahy by approaching Portobello Barracks armed with revolvers; one volunteer, Frank Power, is shot dead. On November 3, Liam Lynch arrives in Dublin to set up his headquarters in Santry. These events show that even as the Free State consolidates its military position, anti-Treaty forces remain active, focusing on high-profile military and political targets.
O’Connell is one of eleven children of farmer John O’Connell and Mary Ann O’Connell (née O’Sullivan). She is educated in County Kerry, and emigrates to Chicago in 1904 where she trains to be a secretary. She leaves a well-paid commercial job in 1912 to become secretary to the American delegation of the Gaelic League in New York City. She works closely with Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch on fund-raising and handles their secret Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) correspondence. She returns to Ireland briefly in 1915 to attend the Gaelic League Oireachtas na Gaeilge and ardfheis, voting in favour of the politicisation of the organisation. During the same visit she brings money and messages to the Irish Volunteers from John Devoy. She attends the New York Irish Race Convention, going on to work for the Friends of Irish Freedom. In this position she organises and collects for the “victory fund” for Irish independence. She is also a typist for Clan na Gael. After the 1916 Easter Rising, she becomes a member of Cumann na mBan in the United States, raising money for the widows and children of those killed or wounded during the Rising. It is through this work that she becomes a close friend of Arthur Griffith and his family.
Éamon de Valera requests that O’Connell join his “consular staff” on October 2, 1919, to support his tour of the United States. She works closely with him during this tour, traveling with him, assisting with speeches and dealing with his private and public correspondence. She is privy to secrets of the independence movement due to handling Harry Boland‘s correspondence as well. In November 1920, she returns to Ireland with de Valera and goes into hiding immediately. From February 1921 she lives at his secret headquarters at Strand Road, living in dangerous conditions until a truce is called in the Irish War of Independence. After this she lives with de Valera at Dr. Farnan’s house at Merrion Square and later in Blackrock. On June 22, 1921, she is arrested with him, and they are both released the next day. She is a member of the delegation that meets David Lloyd George in July 1921, and shares de Valera’s opposition to the Anglo-Irish Treaty. She joins de Valera and her sister Teresa in Suffolk Street in June 1922 when the Irish Civil War breaks out.
When fighting ends in Dublin in July 1922, she travels south, working closely with Dorothy Macardle, Robert Brennan, and Erskine Childers establishing a publicity department and publishing Poblacht na hÉireann. In September 1922, she returns to Dublin, and goes into hiding at 11 Upper Mount Street. She is a loyal follower of de Valera throughout the civil war, and is present at his arrest in Ennis in August 1923. She acts as his messenger and agent during his imprisonment, working with him on an Irish translation of shorthand which they later abandon. During this time she also works for the Sinn FéinTD for Mayo NorthP. J. Ruttledge.
O’Connell is present at the first meeting of the provisional organising committee of de Valera’s new political party, Fianna Fáil. During this time she continues to travel with de Valera, nationally and internationally. There are rumours regarding the nature of their relationship, leading to de Valera vehemently denying any impropriety in Dáil Éireann in 1928. The letter between O’Connell and de Valera’s wife, Sinéad, are cited as evidence there is no intimate relationship between O’Connell and de Valera. She resigns from her permanent civil service position of personal secretary to the Taoiseach when de Valera is defeated in 1948, returning in 1951 when he regains power. For her involvement in the Irish War of Independence, she is awarded an Irish military pension.
The Irish Civil War (June 28, 1922 – May 24, 1923) is fought between Pro-Treaty forces (led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith) who support the Anglo-Irish Treaty, creating the Irish Free State within the British Empire and Anti-Treaty IRA (led by Éamon de Valera and Liam Lynch) who reject the Treaty, seeing it as a betrayal of the 1919 Irish Republic.
By mid-1922, the Free State controls only Dublin and parts of the east, while anti-Treaty forces hold much of the south and west, including Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, forming the self-styled “Munster Republic.”
On September 15, 1922, Anti-Treaty IRA units in Dundalk attack Free State troops stationed in the area and seize control of the local power station, cutting off the town’s electricity supply.
This is a typical example of anti-Treaty tactics: using sabotage and localized attacks to disrupt Free State operations, weaken their hold on territory, and maintain control over key infrastructure. Such actions are part of a wider pattern of resistance in areas not yet recaptured by the National Army.
While Dundalk is not a major strategic city, the attack reflects the guerrilla and sabotage phase of the Civil War, which follows the Free State’s July–September 1922 offensive that retakes major towns in Munster and the west. The Free State’s victory in that offensive ends the conventional phase, but anti-Treaty forces continue to resist through hit-and-run raids, sabotage, and control of rural areas.
In summary, the Dundalk incident of September 15, 1922, is a localized but symbolic act of anti-Treaty resistance, illustrating the ongoing struggle to control infrastructure and disrupt Free State operations in the months after the decisive military phase of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Dundalk, County Louth, in the early 20th century)
By early September 1922, the Irish Civil War has already seen the Irish Free State forces secure most large towns in County Kerry following seaborne landings in August, but rural areas and towns like Kenmare remain under republican control. The IRA has retreated to the hills after abandoning other towns, preparing for guerrilla operations. Kenmare becomes a focal point for one of the largest republican offensives in the county.
On September 9, anti-Treaty fighters launch a coordinated attack on Kenmare. During the assault, they capture 120 National Army troops, later releasing them, and seize 110 rifles and 20,000 rounds of ammunition, significantly bolstering their resources. The attack also results in the killing of local pro-Treaty officer Tom “Scarteen” O’Connor and his brother after they are taken prisoner, highlighting the lethal intensity of the conflict.
The capture of Kenmare is a major tactical victory for the IRA, allowing anti-Treaty forces to maintain a stronghold in County Kerry and continue a guerrilla campaign for the remainder of the war. It demonstrates the resilience of republican forces despite the Irish Free State’s earlier successes and foreshadows the brutal guerrilla warfare that follows in County Kerry, including ambushes, executions, and widespread disruption to civilian life.
Following the attack, the IRA continues to operate effectively in County Kerry, using Kenmare as a base for further operations. The event contributes to the prolonged and violent nature of the Irish Civil War in County Kerry, which becomes notorious for its intensity and the high number of fatalities compared to other counties. The battle also exemplifies the personal and local dimensions of the conflict, with targeted killings and the capture of troops reflecting the deep divisions within Irish society at the time.
The September 9 attack on Kenmare remains a key episode in the history of the Irish Civil War, illustrating both the strategic and human costs of the conflict in County Kerry.
(Pictured: Main Street in Kenmare, County Kerry, September 1922)
According to contemporary reports, Kennefick is arrested by National Army (Free State) forces while en route. Accounts from later commemorations describe a particularly brutal treatment: he is dragged behind the back of a Free State truck with his hands tied, then beaten with rifle butts to the face and body, losing several teeth and suffering severe wounds. He is shot twice in the headand his body is dumped in a ditch or field near Nadrid, Coachford, County Cork.
Kennefick’s death is confirmed the same day, with two bullet wounds found on his body. The incident draws widespread revulsion at the time for its brutality. Kennefick, who had served as a lieutenant in the Cork No. 1 Brigade during the Irish War of Independence and as a company signaller in the Cork No. 5 Brigade during the Irish Civil War, is buried four days later in the Republican Plot at St. Finbarr’s Cemetery in Cork.
Kennefick’s funeral is described as of “large dimensions,” with comrades carrying his coffin through the streets of Cork. He is remembered as a popular local figure, a barman by occupation, and a dedicated IRA leader who had joined the Irish Volunteers in 1917.
Today, a Celtic Cross memorial near Coachford commemorates his death, and annual commemorations are held to honour his memory.
(Pictured: Timothy Kennefick, around 1920. Photo credit: Tony McCarthy)
On August 29, 1922, six Irish Free State soldiers are killed in three separate ambushes, reflecting the intense and deadly engagements of the early Irish Civil War period.
The Irish Civil War (June 1922 – May 1923) erupts following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921, which creates the Irish Free State. Pro-Treaty forces, forming the National Army, clash with anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) elements refusing to accept the Treaty. This conflict includes both conventional and guerrilla phases, with August 1922 marking the end of the conventional campaign as Free State forces advance to secure towns in the south and southwest.
On this day, six Free State soldiers are killed in three distinct ambushes. Two soldiers died in Tullamore, County Offaly, one in Macroom, County Cork, and two in an ambush and firefight between Killorglin and Tralee, County Kerry. In Tullamore, Lieutenant Matthew Cullen of the 3rd Southern Division is fatally shot near Bonaterrin Hill, while Lieutenant Leahy is seriously wounded in the same attack. These ambushes are carried out by anti-Treaty forces and demonstrate the difficulties the National Army faces while attempting to secure supply routes and rural areas, even after major towns have fallen under Free State control.
These casualties underscore the dangers posed by guerrilla tactics, including ambushes, during the Irish Civil War. Free State soldiers are often young and inexperienced, and many fatalities occur in such rural confrontations. Despite these losses, the Free State maintains strategic momentum, continuing the offensive that eventually consolidates the new government’s control.
Overall, the Irish Civil War results in roughly 1,426 deaths in the Free State counties, with the National Army sustaining substantial casualties in actions like these ambushes. The conflict’s fatal events, including Tullamore on August 29, illustrate both the human cost of the war and the localized intensity of battles beyond major urban centers.
In summary, August 29, 1922, represents a notable moment in Irish Civil War history, highlighting the lethal impact of ambushes on Free State forces and the challenges of combatting anti-Treaty operations in rural Ireland. These events contribute to the broader struggle to establish the Irish Free State’s authority.
By mid-August 1922, the Irish Free State, under Michael Collins, has launched a decisive offensive to re-take towns and strongholds in the south and west. The anti-Treaty IRA, led by figures such as Liam Lynch, has been holding areas like County Cork, County Limerick, and much of County Kerry, including Killarney, in defiance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The Free State’s campaign aims to consolidate control over the territory and end the conventional phase of the war.
The ambush at Glenflesk is one of several IRA actions in County Kerry during this period. It occurs as Free State forces advance in the west, seeking to secure supply lines and isolate remaining anti-Treaty strongholds. The Anti-Treaty IRA, using guerrilla tactics, targets convoys and patrols to disrupt Free State operations.
While the exact casualty figures for this specific engagement are not detailed in the available records, such ambushes are part of a wider pattern of republican resistance. In County Kerry alone, Free State forces suffer multiple engagements in August, including a sniper kill at Tralee and ambushes on supply columns.
The Glenflesk ambush reflects the shift from conventional warfare to mobile, hit-and-run tactics by the anti-Treaty IRA after the Free State’s conventional offensives begin. County Kerry remains a contested area, with Killarney and surrounding towns serving as republican bases. Ambushes like this one aim to delay Free State advances and protect supply routes. While the Free State’s overall campaign succeeds in capturing major towns by late August, such ambushes prolong the conflict and keep republican forces active until the “dump arms” order in 1923.
In summary, the Glenflesk ambush of August 27, 1922, is a localized but significant IRA resistance action in County Kerry, emblematic of the guerrilla warfare that follows the Free State’s conventional offensives and contributes to the prolonged nature of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Michael Collins (left) and Liam Lynch (right))
By mid-1922, the Irish Civil War begins after the Anglo-Irish Treaty splits the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The 4th Northern Division, based in counties Armagh, Down, and Louth, is one of the most formidable Anti-Treaty units in the region. Frank Aiken, a veteran IRA commander, has rebuilt this division during the Truce period, using it for guerrilla operations and border raids.
The Free State Army, under the National Army, is consolidating control in southern and midland counties, while Anti-Treaty forces focus on border counties to prevent Free State expansion and to maintain resistance.
The August 16 assault on Dundalk is a border raid aimed at disrupting Free State supply lines and communications, isolating and weakening Free State positions in the Louth area and demonstrating Anti-Treaty strength to other IRA units and the wider population. They use two mines to breach the walls of the barracks and temporarily take over the town.
Seven Free State soldiers are killed and fifteen are wounded. Two republicans are killed, accidentally by one of their own mines, and thirty are wounded. About 240 republican prisoners are freed from the prison and 400 rifles are taken. Aiken, however, does not try to hold the town and, while in possession of it, calls for a truce in a meeting in the town square.
While the attack is significant in symbolic terms, it does not achieve a decisive strategic breakthrough. Free State forces are able to regroup and counterattack, and the operation highlights the challenges Anti-Treaty units face in sustaining large-scale offensives against a better-equipped and more mobile National Army.
The raid exemplifies the “war along the border” strategy, where Anti-Treaty forces target Free State-held border towns and infrastructure. Aiken’s leadership as commander of the 4th Northern Division underscores his reputation as a skilled guerrilla leader. The attack reflects the early Civil War pattern of small-scale, mobile raids by Anti-Treaty forces against Free State-held towns and garrisons.
In summary, the August 16, 1922, Dundalk attack is a notable Anti-Treaty IRA operation that showcases the 4th Northern Division’s capabilities but also the limitations of their conventional-style assaults against the Free State’s growing military presence.
(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division of the Irish Republican Army)
By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.
Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.
Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.
Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.
In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.
