seamus dubhghaill

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Tag Archives: Dublin


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Death of Brefni O’Rorke, Stage & Screen Actor

Brefni O’Rorke, Irish actor, both on the stage and in movies, dies on November 11, 1946, in Hendon, Middlesex, England, at the age of 57

O’Rorke is born as William Francis Breffni O’Rorke at 2 Esplande Villas in Dollymount, Clontarf, Dublin, on June 26, 1889. He is baptised at Clontarf Parish Church on August 1, 1889. His father, Frederick O’Rorke, is a cork merchant, and his mother, Jane Caroline O’Rorke (née Morgan), is an actress. He has an older brother, Frederick, who is twelve years older than him.

O’Rorke begins studying acting with his mother and makes his professional début in 1912 at the Gaiety Theatre, Dublin, in a production of George Bernard Shaw‘s John Bull’s Other Island. In 1916, while still living in Dublin, he meets and marries Alice Cole, a chorus-girl turned actress, who had divorced her first husband and immigrated from South Africa with her young son. Thus O’Rorke becomes the stepfather of Cyril Cusack. Other theatre roles include the title role in Finn Varra Maa (1917), a musical “pantomime” or light opera written by Thomas Henry Nally with music by Geoffrey Molyneux Palmer.

National Television starts in October 1936, initially broadcast just two hours a day. The station stops broadcasting at the start of World War II, and does not restart until 1946. Plays, like everything else, can last just one hour maximum, but some are only 25 minutes long. Also, there is no recording possible, so any repeat is really a new broadcast, as in The Advantages of Paternity.

In 1939, O’Rorke appears in several broadcasts in the new fledgling BBC Television, including a play by Irish playwright Teresa Deevy called The King of Spain’s Daughter, produced by Denis Johnston.

O’Rorke is a busy character actor up to his death on November 11, 1946, and his legacy lay not only in several memorable performances but also, to some extent, in the subsequent success of his stepson. From the late 1940s thru the 1980s, Cyril Cusack is one of the most renowned stage actors of his generation, as well as an acclaimed film actor, and he founds an acting dynasty to rival that of the Redgrave family through his actress daughters.


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Birth of Margaret Cousins, Educationist, Suffragist & Theosophist

Margaret Elizabeth Cousins (née Gillespie), an Irish-Indian educationist, suffragist, and Theosophist who plays a pivotal role in advancing women’s rights in Ireland and India, is born in Boyle, County Roscommon, on November 7, 1878.

Cousins, also known as Gretta Cousins, is born into a Protestant and Unionist family. She is the eldest of fifteen children of Joseph Gillespie, a petty session clerk, and Margaret Annie Gillespie (née Shera). She excels academically, earning a scholarship to Victoria High School for Girls in Derry. In 1898, she moved to Dublin and studies music at the Royal Irish Academy of Music before attending the Royal University of Ireland, graduating with a BMus in 1902. She marries poet and literary critic James Cousins on April 9, 1903, and maintains her independence by continuing to work as a music teacher.

Cousins is deeply involved in the Irish women’s suffrage movement. She co-founds the Irish Women’s Franchise League with Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington in 1908, serving as its first treasurer, and actively participates in protests, including the Parliament of Women in 1910 and demonstrations against the Second Home Rule Bill in 1913, which leads to her imprisonment in Tullamore Jail. She is also a committed vegetarian and engages with the Irish Vegetarian Society, promoting social reform and ethical living.

In 1915, Cousins and her husband move to India, where she continues her activism. She becomes the first non-Indian member of the Indian Women’s University at Poona (present-day Pune) and co-founds the Women’s Indian Association (WIA) in 1917 with Annie Besant and Dorothy Jinarajadasa, advocating for women’s education and empowerment.

Cousins also plays a key role in preserving the tune of the Indian National Anthem, Jana Gana Mana, and is part of the Flag Presentation Committee that presents the National Flag to the Constituent Assembly of India in 1947. She later founds the All India Women’s Conference (AIWC), further cementing her legacy in advancing women’s rights in India.

A stroke leaves Cousins paralysed from 1943 onward. She receives financial support from the Madras government, and later Jawaharlal Nehru, in recognition of her services to India. She dies at the age of 75 on March 1, 1954, in Adyar, Chennai.

Cousins’ work bridges Irish and Indian social reform movements, combining her interests in education, feminism, and Theosophy. She is recognized for her contributions to women’s rights and education, and her efforts leave a lasting impact on both countries. Her manuscripts are dispersed in various collections across the world.


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Green Party Protest in Dublin’s O’Connell Street

On November 6, 2002, six Green Party Teachtaí Dála (TDs) — Eamon Ryan, Ciarán Cuffe, Dan Boyle, Paul Gogarty, Trevor Sargent, and John Gormley — stage a dramatic protest in Dublin’s O’Connell Street to oppose the proposed demolition of historic landmarks.

The action is a last-ditch attempt to save Dublin’s heritage from redevelopment plans. The Green Party, a relatively new political force in Ireland at the time, uses the protest to draw public attention to the cultural and historical value of the city’s landmarks, arguing that they should be preserved rather than replaced with modern structures.

The protest involves chain‑linking themselves to trees in the street, a symbolic act meant to physically block demolition work and to make the issue impossible to ignore. This tactic is designed to create a visible, media‑friendly demonstration that will pressure the government and developers to reconsider the plans.

The 2002 Irish general election has just seen the Green Party win six seats, marking a significant political breakthrough for the party. The O’Connell Street protest is part of a broader campaign to assert the party’s role in protecting Ireland’s heritage and environment, themes central to its platform.

While the immediate outcome of the protest is not detailed in the provided sources, such symbolic actions are common in Irish political history to highlight environmental and heritage concerns, and they help cement the Green Party’s image as a defender of Ireland’s cultural identity.

(Pictured: Green Party TDs Ciaran Cuffe, Dan Boyle, party leader Trevor Sargent and Eamon Ryan in Dublin’s O’Connell Street where they have chained themselves to highlight the council’s proposed plan to chop down all the trees in the capital’s main street. Picture credit: Billy Higgins)


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Winston Churchill’s House of Commons Speech on Irish Ports

On November 5, 1940, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill addresses the House of Commons of the United Kingdom to report on Britain’s wartime situation after six months in office. While the speech’s main focus is on the resilience of British cities and the ongoing Battle of Britain, he does note the loss of certain overseas ports, including Irish ones, as part of the broader context of Allied shipping losses and strategic vulnerability, bemoaning the fact that the Irish ports had been returned to the Republic of Ireland government in 1938.

Churchill becomes Prime Minister on May 10, 1940, following the fall of France and the evacuation at Dunkirk. By late November, Britain is engaged in the Battle of Britain, with the Luftwaffe targeting industrial centres and ports across the country. The night before the speech, November 4, is the first night in eight weeks without air raids over London, but the Luftwaffe has shifted focus to other strategic locations.

While the Hansard record for November 5, 1940 does not list Irish ports by name, Churchill’s remarks on shipping losses and the vulnerability of ports are part of his broader assessment of the war’s impact on Britain’s global trade and naval operations. “The fact that we cannot use the South and West Coasts of Ireland to refuel our flotillas and aircraft and thus protect the trade by which Ireland as well as Great Britain lives, is a most heavy and grievous burden and one which should never have been placed on our shoulders, broad though they be.”

The loss of Irish ports are relevant because:

  • Ireland’s ports, such as Dublin, Cork, and Limerick, are key to Allied supply lines in the Atlantic.
  • Their vulnerability to German U-boat attacks and air raids is a growing concern as the Battle of the Atlantic intensifies.
  • Churchill’s speech reflects the reality that many ports—both British and Allied—are under threat, disrupting supply chains and naval operations.

In his address, Churchill addresses the broader wartime situation:

  • Civilian casualties of 14,000 killed, 20,000 wounded, mostly in London.
  • Military losses of approximately 300 killed and 500 wounded.
  • Minimal infrastructure damage to vital services like water, fuel, electricity, and gas.
  • There are challenges in transportation but they are improving.
  • Extensive plans are underway for shelters and winter preparations.

The mention of Irish ports in Churchill’s speech underscores the global nature of the war and the strategic importance of Ireland as a neutral but vital Allied base. The loss of such ports would have implications for naval operations, supply routes, and Britain’s ability to sustain its war effort.

To read the full text of Churchill’s November 5, 1940 speech, it is preserved in the National Churchill Museum’s 1940 speeches collection and in the UK Parliament’s Hansard archives.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Launches Attack on Richard Mulcahy’s Residence

On November 3, 1922, anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) forces launch an attack on the official residence of General Richard Mulcahy (pictured), commander-in-chief of the Irish Free State’s National Army, located in Portobello, Dublin, adjacent to Portobello Barracks.

By late 1922, the Irish Civil War is in its final phase. The Free State, under Michael Collins, has just launched its decisive offensive in July–August 1922, re-taking major towns and consolidating control over the east of Ireland. Mulcahy, as head of the National Army, is a key pro-Treaty military leader, and his residence is a high-value target for anti-Treaty forces seeking to disrupt Free State command structures.

The IRA assault targets the residence, which is situated next to a military barracks, making it a symbolic and strategic site. According to historical accounts, a grenade is thrown at the building but fails to detonate. The Free State guard is quickly reinforced, and the attackers are repelled with one man killed.

This incident reflects the ongoing tension between pro- and anti-Treaty forces in late 1922. While the Free State has regained the capital and much of the east, anti-Treaty IRA units continue to strike at military and political leaders, aiming to undermine the legitimacy of the new state. The Portobello attack is part of a broader campaign of sabotage and targeted violence during the final months of the Civil War.

In related events, on November 2, anti-Treaty volunteers attempt to assassinate Mulcahy by approaching Portobello Barracks armed with revolvers; one volunteer, Frank Power, is shot dead. On November 3, Liam Lynch arrives in Dublin to set up his headquarters in Santry. These events show that even as the Free State consolidates its military position, anti-Treaty forces remain active, focusing on high-profile military and political targets.


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Passage & Royal Assent of the Toleration Act 1719

The Toleration Act 1719 (formally An Act for exempting the Protestant Dissenters of this kingdom from certain penalties, to which they are now subject) is passed by the Parliament of Ireland on November 2, 1719, and receives royal assent the same day. It is a landmark piece of legislation that grants limited religious freedoms to Protestant dissenters, primarily Presbyterians, but also including Quakers, Baptists, and other nonconformists.

The Act is enacted during the reign of King George I, amid the consolidation of Whig influence after the Hanoverian succession. It addresses long-standing grievances of Irish Dissenters, whose position has been precarious despite the English Toleration Act 1688, which does not fully protect them in Ireland due to the dominance of the Anglican Church in Dublin’s parliament.

Proponents, especially Presbyterians in Ulster, seek to depenalize nonconformist worship and education. The Act is also framed as a measure to bolster Protestant unity against the Catholic population, which remains subject to severe penal laws.

Key provisions of the Act include:

  • Exemption from certain penalties: Dissenters are relieved of punitive obligations to attend Anglican services or adhere to established church rituals.
  • Freedom of worship: Dissenters can maintain separate places of worship without fear of prosecution for nonconformity.
  • Education rights: The Act allows Dissenters to establish and staff schools, though it does not grant full civil equality.
  • Limitations: Nonconformists remain barred from holding public offices, corporations, and universities due to the sacramental test.

The Toleration Act marks a pivotal step toward depenalizing nonconformist worship in Ireland. It facilitates the growth of Presbyterian institutions in Ulster, contributing to the province’s economic and cultural distinctiveness. However, it does not resolve deeper tensions within the Protestant establishment, where concessions to Dissenters are seen by some as undermining ecclesiastical authority.

The Act is repealed in parts. The whole Act (except sections 4–8 and 14–16) is repealed by the Promissory Oaths Act 1871 (July 13, 1871). Section 8 is repealed by the Statute Law Revision Act 1950 (May 23, 1950).

In summary, the Toleration Act 1719 is a partial but significant liberalization of religious law in Ireland, offering Protestant dissenters practical freedom of worship and education while preserving many restrictions. It reflects both genuine religious reform and political strategy in the early 18th century, shaping Protestant–Catholic relations and the development of dissenting communities in Ireland.


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Birth of Michael Hogan, Irish Poet

Michael Hogan, a celebrated Irish poet known as the “Bard of Thomond,” is born on October 31, 1828, in Thomondgate, County Limerick.

Hogan’s father is a wheelwright and musician who also crafts flutes and fiddles, instruments Hogan himself plays. He and his family endure the hardships of the Great Famine (1845–1852), an experience he later reflects upon in his poetry. In his youth, he works at Russell’s Mill and Lock Quay, later joining Limerick Corporation. In 1858, he marries Ann Lynch, with whom he has no children.

Hogan’s first poems appears in Irish language newspapers such as The Anglo-Celt, The Irishman, The Nation, The Munster News, and the Limerick Leader. His debut collection, Lays and Legends of Thomond, is published in Limerick in 1861, with a larger Dublin edition in 1867. He also gains fame for a series of satirical poems lampooning prominent Limerick figures, which achieves enormous circulation and causes a sensation at the time. A new edition of his Lays and Legends is published in Dublin in 1880.

In September 1886, Hogan emigrates to New York, where, already hampered by failing eyesight, he fails to make a living for himself as a poet and soon finds himself in financial difficulties. Having received assistance from friends in Limerick, he returns to Ireland in 1889.

Hogan dies on April 19, 1899, at Limerick and is buried in Mount St. Lawrence Cemetery.

Hogan’s work remains a significant part of Irish literary history. In 2005, a life-size statue (pictured) of him is erected at King John’s Castle Plaza in Limerick to honor his memory.


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Founding of the Leinster Football Association

The Leinster Football Association (LFA) is founded on October 27, 1892, at the Wicklow Hotel in Dublin, making it the oldest football association in the area now known as the Republic of Ireland.

The LFA is established to promote and organize association football in the Irish province of Leinster, an area outside the traditional Ulster heartlands of the sport. The founding meeting is attended by representatives of five football clubs: Dublin University A.F.C., Bohemian F.C., Leinster Nomads A.F.C., Montpelier F.C., and St. Helen’s School F.C. Rev. Canon Morley of St. Helen’s School chairs the meeting, and Dudley T. Hussey of Bohemians is appointed the first honorary secretary.

Shortly after its creation, the LFA affiliates with the Belfast-based Irish Football Association (IFA), which donates £50 to support the new association. The LFA quickly organizes its first Leinster Senior Cup in the 1892–93 season, with Leinster Nomads defeating Dublin University 2–1 in the inaugural final. Soon after, the Leinster Senior League is formed, featuring clubs such as Bohemians, Britannia, Dublin University, Leinster Nomads, Phoenix, and Montpelier.

The primary aim of the LFA is to foster football in Leinster at a time when the sport is largely concentrated in Ulster. It becomes a key driver in promoting amateur and youth football, organizing leagues, and holding cup competitions for clubs across the province.

The LFA eventually becomes disaffiliated from the IFA in 1921 due to disputes over perceived Belfast bias, Sunday matches, and differences in focus between amateur and professional football. This leads directly to the establishment of the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) in September 1921, in which the LFA plays a leading role.

In summary, the Leinster Football Association’s founding in 1892 marks the beginning of organized football governance in southern Ireland, overseeing competitions and nurturing clubs outside Ulster, and its establishment remains a key milestone in Irish football history. 


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Death of Breandán Ó hEithir, Writer, Journalist & Broadcaster

Breandán Ó hEithir, Irish writer, journalist, broadcaster, and scriptwriter, dies in Dublin on October 26, 1990. He is renowned for his bilingual work in Irish and English, his sharp social commentary, and his pioneering role in Irish language literature.

Ó hEithir is born on January 18, 1930, in Cill Rónáin, Inishmore (Aran Islands), County Galway, the eldest of two sons and two daughters of Pádraig Ó hEithir and Bríd (Delia) Ní Fhlatharta, both national school teachers. He is raised bilingually in a predominantly Irish-speaking Aran environment, influenced by his uncle Liam O’Flaherty. He attends Kilronan national school, Coláiste Éinde in Galway, and University College Galway, where he leaves without completing his degree.

Ó hEithir works as an itinerant bookseller for Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge and later as editor at Sáirséal agus Dill, the Irish language publishing house. He serves as Irish language editor for The Irish Press (1957–1963) and writes for Comhar and The Irish Times. He is a regular scriptwriter and presenter for RTÉ Television, notably on the current affairs programmes Cúrsaí and Féach, and contributes to Gael-Linn productions.

Ó hEithir’s debut novel, Lig Sinn i gCathú (Lead Us Into Temptation, 1976), depicts university life in 1948 and becomes the first Irish language book to top Ireland’s bestseller list. Other notable works include:

  • Over the Bar (Ward River Press, 1984) — a personal account of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA)
  • The Begrudger’s Guide to Irish Politics (Poolbeg Press, 1986) — satirical commentary on Irish society
  • A Pocket History of Ireland (The O’Brien Press, 1989) — concise history from prehistory to the present
  • Sionnach ar mo Dhuán (1988) — his second novel

Ó hEithir also writes essays, lectures, and cultural commentary, often blending humour, satire, and irony.

Ó hEithir marries Catherine von Hildebrand in 1957. She is the daughter of Deirdre Mulcahy and Franz von Hildebrand, founders of Universidad de los Andes in Colombia. They have five children. He studies German and begins work on his first novel during a year in Germany with his family.

Ó hEithir dies of cancer in Dublin on October 26, 1990, at age 60 . He is awarded the Butler literary award in 1990 and receives a scholarship from the Irish American Cultural Institute in 1975 . His biography is written by Liam Mac Con Iomaire in 2000 . He is remembered as one of Ireland’s most accomplished bilingual writers and journalists of the twentieth century.


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Fanny Parnell Launches the Ladies’ Land League in New York

Fanny Parnell, the Irish American poet and nationalist, launches the Ladies’ Land League in New York on October 24, 1880. She is a sister of Charles Stewart Parnell and a vocal supporter of the Irish National Land League’s campaign against “rack-rents” and for tenant ownership.

In 1880, while living in Bordentown, New Jersey, Parnell becomes active in fundraising for the Land League in the United States. Her 1880 pamphlet The Hovels of Ireland explains the Irish land crisis to American audiences, and she also works for the Famine Relief Fund in New York.

By October 1880, Parnell has taken the initiative to launch a Ladies’ Land League in New York. This is an auxiliary group aimed at supporting the Irish National Land League’s work, especially after its leaders become at risk of imprisonment. The New York committee she sets up is part of a broader plan by Michael Davitt to ensure the movement can continue if male leaders are jailed. Davitt and the League’s treasurer, Patrick Egan, later persuade the Central Committee to formally establish the Ladies’ Land League in Dublin on January 31, 1881, with Anna Parnell as its first president.

The Ladies’ Land League quickly becomes the first political association of Irish women, organizing branches in Ireland, Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. They maintain a detailed “Book of Kells” register of estates, tenants, and evictions, and provide financial and material aid to evicted tenants, including erecting prefabricated huts when possible. Their work is both political and humanitarian, challenging gender norms while maintaining a public image of respectability.

Fanny Parnell’s October 1880 launch in New York is thus a key early step in mobilizing Irish American women for the Land War, laying the groundwork for the League’s transnational activism and its role in sustaining the movement during its most turbulent years.