Mullen is first elected to Seanad Éireann (the Irish Senate) in 2007 for the National University of Ireland constituency, and has been continuously re-elected in 2011, 2016, 2020, and 2025, often topping the poll among NUI graduates. In 2018, he founds the Human Dignity Alliance, an anti-abortion political party. He is also affiliated with the European Christian Political Party (ECPP).
Mullen has built his career around social conservative causes:
Anti-abortion advocacy: He opposes the repeal of the Eighth Amendment and seeks stronger protections for conscientious objection among medical staff.
Opposition to same-sex marriage: He is prominent during the 2015 referendum opposing constitutional changes related to marriage.
Human rights and palliative care: He introduces bills and motions promoting hospice care and the protection of vulnerable adults.
Freedom of conscience and family values: He advocates policies emphasizing parental rights in education, ethical protections, and support for families.
International advocacy: He criticizes human rights abuses in China, the treatment of religious minorities, and European Union (EU) bureaucratic overreach, while seeking Ireland’s engagement on human dignity standards internationally.
A lifelong practicing Roman Catholic, Mullen emphasizes the principle of human dignity in both politics and daily life, integrating faith and reason in his ethical framework. He maintains a connection to Irish culture and the Irish language, and has engaged in public discussions on moral and social issues, grounding his positions in Catholic teaching without seeking to impose religious law.
In summary, Mullen is a long-standing independent Irish senator influential in debates on social policy, ethics, and human rights. His career is marked by consistent advocacy for pro-life positions, family integrity, and freedom of conscience, alongside active engagement in European and international policy discussions on human dignity and social justice.
Brooke is the son of The Reverend William Brooke, the well-off Church of Ireland Rector of Killinkere and Mullagh within the Church of Ireland Diocese of Kilmore. He first begins his career as a poet. His now forgotten philosophical poem Universal Beauty is published in 1735, and Alexander Pope thinks its sentiments and poetry fine. He then turns dramatist by adapting extant plays, such as The Earl of Essex. He writes from the Tory point of view and becomes one of the most important figures in Augustan drama, although not for his successes.
Brooke’s Gustavus Vasa (1739) has the distinction of being the first play banned by the Licensing Act 1737. The play concerns the liberation of Sweden from Denmark in 1521 by Riksföreståndare (Protector of the Realm or Regent) Gustav Vasa (who later becomes King Gustav I of Sweden). Sir Robert Walpole believes that the villain of the play resembles him. Further, a facetious “attack” on it is the first public writing of Samuel Johnson, whose A Complete Vindication of the Licensers of the English Stage feigns support for Walpole while it drives the censor’s argument to reductio ad absurdum.
Brooke lives in Ireland most of his life, but he spends time in London when his plays are on the stage. In politics, he is somewhat radical in arguing publicly for loosening the laws persecuting Roman Catholics in the United Kingdom. His daughter, Charlotte Brooke, is herself an important figure in the history of Irish literature, publishing Reliques of Irish Poetry (1789) and working to increase the profile of Irish language poetry.
Later, Brook’s Earl of Essex comes back to the boards in a revival. Again, Samuel Johnson offers his public support of Brooke, but when he hears the Earl saying at the end of Act II, “Who rules o’er free men must himself be free,” Johnson replies, “Who drives fat oxen must himself be fat.” Although Johnson is objecting to the misuse and overuse of “freedom” and is at that time in a vexatious debate over the American Revolutionary War (saying, “Why is it that we hear the loudest cries for liberty from the drivers of Negroes?”), Brooke is mortified by Johnson’s parody and changes the line for his Collected Works.
Brooke has a difficult life and makes a very poor living. The Licensing Act 1737 robs him of his primary avenue to making a living, for, after the Act, he is the first man banned by it. Whatever fame this lends him is made up for by his inability to get new plays performed. His greatest commercial successes come from the Earl of Essex and his two novels, The Fool of Quality (1760-1772) and Juliet Grenville (1774), which are two of the finest sentimental novels. John Wesley is so fond of The Fool of Quality, in which Brooke declares his belief in universal salvation, that he seeks to have a copy of it given out to all new Methodist churches.
Brooke has twenty-two children. Of these, only Charlotte survives adolescence. She shepherds his Works through the press after his death.
The death of Brooke’s wife after a long illness and the loss of so many of his children, leaves Brooke’s physical and mental health increasingly unstable. His decline is evident in the last volume of The Fool of Quality and his final three-volume novel Juliet Grenville. He dies in Dublin on October 10, 1783, and is buried in his father’s churchyard in Mullagh.
Mills’s mother, Winifred (née Wills), is from Inchicore and her father, Thomas, is from Glanmire, County Cork. Her father works for Great Southern Railways. She has three siblings, Gertrude, Ada and Robert. Her mother dies when she is just eighteen months old, leaving her to be raised by her maternal grandmother, Charlotte Wills, who lives at 1 Abercorn Terrace, Inchicore. She is educated at St. Vincent’s Industrial School, Goldenbridge, where she plays table tennis and association football as well as doing gymnastics. However, camogie is her first love, which she starts playing at age five. She leaves school at a young age, and goes to work in Lamb’s jam factory.
Through her father, Mills is able to participate in and avail of the sporting activities in the GSR Athletic Union. Two pence per week are deducted from the worker’s wages to go toward the financing of the sports activities in the Railway. In 1947, she marries George Hill. They run the Red Seal Handbag Company from the North Circular Road, and later Hill Street. Later they become vintners, running the Seventh Lock public house on the Grand Canal, Ballyfermot.
Mills makes her camogie debut with the Great SouthernRailways club in Dublin in 1938 at the age of fourteen, and is promoted to the senior team for her second match. Three years later she makes her debut for Dublin while still sixteen and plays in Dublin’s unsuccessful 1941 All-Ireland Senor Camogie Championship final against Cork, winning her first All-Ireland medal after a replay against Cork a year later in the 1942 All-Ireland Senior Camogie Championship final.
In 1943, the same counties meet in the All-Ireland final for the third consecutive year. Once again Mills ends up claiming an All-Ireland medal, her goal from fifty yards range being described as the highlight of the match. The following year, 1944, brings a third All-Ireland medal. In 1945 and 1946, a dispute in the camogie association keeps Dublin out of the All-Ireland championship in spite of being Leinster champions in both years. In 1948, Dublin is back on form and Mills captures a fourth All-Ireland medal. She takes no part in the 1949 championship, however, the 1950s brings much success to Mills.
From 1950 to 1955, Mills captures six consecutive All-Ireland titles. In 1956, “the Dubs” surrender their crown to Antrim but it is soon reclaimed in 1957. In 1958, she is appointed captain of the Dublin camogie team. Led by her, Dublin defeats Tipperary to capture yet another All-Ireland title. She captures three more All-Ireland medals in 1959, 1960 and 1961. The occasion of the 1961 final is special as it is her 38th birthday and her last outing in a Dublin jersey.
In her playing days Mills is regarded as one of the all-time greats. She is regarded as camogie’s first superstar she has often been described as the Christy Ring, Mick Mackey, Nicky Rackard and Lory Meagher of the camogie world. With a haul of fifteen senior All-Ireland medals, she is the most decorated player in the history of Gaelic games at the time of her retirement. Since then Rena Buckley and Briege Corkery have won more than Mills.
Mills-Hill dies on August 11, 1996, from undisclosed causes, at her home on the Naas Road, Dublin. She is buried in Palmerstown Cemetery. In 2010, the camogie trophy for the annual inter-county All-Ireland Junior Camogie Championship is named in her honour. The Kay Mills Cup is a replica of the O’Duffy Cup. A plaque to Mills is erected at her former home, 1 Abercorn Terrace, Inchicore.
O’Connell is one of eleven children of farmer John O’Connell and Mary Ann O’Connell (née O’Sullivan). She is educated in County Kerry, and emigrates to Chicago in 1904 where she trains to be a secretary. She leaves a well-paid commercial job in 1912 to become secretary to the American delegation of the Gaelic League in New York City. She works closely with Thomas Ashe and Diarmuid Lynch on fund-raising and handles their secret Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) correspondence. She returns to Ireland briefly in 1915 to attend the Gaelic League Oireachtas na Gaeilge and ardfheis, voting in favour of the politicisation of the organisation. During the same visit she brings money and messages to the Irish Volunteers from John Devoy. She attends the New York Irish Race Convention, going on to work for the Friends of Irish Freedom. In this position she organises and collects for the “victory fund” for Irish independence. She is also a typist for Clan na Gael. After the 1916 Easter Rising, she becomes a member of Cumann na mBan in the United States, raising money for the widows and children of those killed or wounded during the Rising. It is through this work that she becomes a close friend of Arthur Griffith and his family.
Éamon de Valera requests that O’Connell join his “consular staff” on October 2, 1919, to support his tour of the United States. She works closely with him during this tour, traveling with him, assisting with speeches and dealing with his private and public correspondence. She is privy to secrets of the independence movement due to handling Harry Boland‘s correspondence as well. In November 1920, she returns to Ireland with de Valera and goes into hiding immediately. From February 1921 she lives at his secret headquarters at Strand Road, living in dangerous conditions until a truce is called in the Irish War of Independence. After this she lives with de Valera at Dr. Farnan’s house at Merrion Square and later in Blackrock. On June 22, 1921, she is arrested with him, and they are both released the next day. She is a member of the delegation that meets David Lloyd George in July 1921, and shares de Valera’s opposition to the Anglo-Irish Treaty. She joins de Valera and her sister Teresa in Suffolk Street in June 1922 when the Irish Civil War breaks out.
When fighting ends in Dublin in July 1922, she travels south, working closely with Dorothy Macardle, Robert Brennan, and Erskine Childers establishing a publicity department and publishing Poblacht na hÉireann. In September 1922, she returns to Dublin, and goes into hiding at 11 Upper Mount Street. She is a loyal follower of de Valera throughout the civil war, and is present at his arrest in Ennis in August 1923. She acts as his messenger and agent during his imprisonment, working with him on an Irish translation of shorthand which they later abandon. During this time she also works for the Sinn FéinTD for Mayo NorthP. J. Ruttledge.
O’Connell is present at the first meeting of the provisional organising committee of de Valera’s new political party, Fianna Fáil. During this time she continues to travel with de Valera, nationally and internationally. There are rumours regarding the nature of their relationship, leading to de Valera vehemently denying any impropriety in Dáil Éireann in 1928. The letter between O’Connell and de Valera’s wife, Sinéad, are cited as evidence there is no intimate relationship between O’Connell and de Valera. She resigns from her permanent civil service position of personal secretary to the Taoiseach when de Valera is defeated in 1948, returning in 1951 when he regains power. For her involvement in the Irish War of Independence, she is awarded an Irish military pension.
Colles is born in Dublin around 1739. He emigrates to the American colonies before the American Revolutionary War, where he becomes known for his skills in engineering, surveying, and mathematics. His education and early interests equip him for projects requiring practical application of technical knowledge in a colonial context.
Colles is best remembered for his work in designing and constructing water supply systems, such as aqueducts and canals. In New York City, he proposes plans to improve the city’s water distribution, anticipating modern municipal water infrastructure.
Colles also works extensively as a surveyor and cartographer. One of his major projects is a comprehensive survey of roads, settlements, and natural features across parts of New York State, aimed at promoting economic development and providing practical maps for settlers and entrepreneurs. These maps are notable for their detail and practical utility in an era when accurate geographic information is scarce.
In addition to engineering, Colles is an innovator in education and public information. He seeks to publish a tourist map of New York State, combining cartographic detail with travel guidance. Later in life, he develops ideas for mechanical inventions, such as improvements to water-lifting devices and surveying instruments, although many of his designs remain conceptual or are implemented only on a limited scale.
Colles is remembered as a forward-thinking engineer who attempted to bring systematic planning and technological innovation to the early United States. His work in surveying and water systems helped lay the groundwork for later infrastructural developments and inspired future engineers. Despite facing financial difficulties and limited recognition during his lifetime, his contributions reflect the blend of practical engineering and visionary thinking that characterized American technical pioneers of his era.
Colles’s maps and published plans remain valuable records of early American geography and urban planning, illustrating both the challenges and ambitions of post-colonial infrastructure development.
King Richard II of England lands at Waterford, County Waterford, on October 2, 1394, at the head of the largest English military force ever to enter an Irish port. This marks the beginning of his first major expedition to Ireland, a campaign aimed at reasserting royal authority and implementing sweeping administrative reforms.
By 1394, England has secured peace with both France and Scotland, allowing Richard to focus on Ireland. The Lordship of Ireland is in decline, with Gaelic lords like Art Óg Mac Murchadha Caomhánach of Leinster resisting English overlordship. Richard’s stated goal is to secure the submission of the great Gaelic lords and to integrate them into the English legal and political system, making them equal subjects of the Crown.
Richard arrives with an army of about 8,000–9,000 men, a force far larger than any previous English intervention in Ireland since the late twelfth century. The campaign is both military and political: while he seeks to subdue resistance, his primary aim is reform of the Irish administration rather than total conquest.
The expedition moves through lower Leinster, encountering resistance from Mac Murchadha Caomhánach. Historical accounts note a dramatic near-capture of the king’s enemies at a place called Laveroc, where the Earl Marshal almost seizes Mac Murchadha Caomhánach and his wife in their beds. Despite these skirmishes, Richard manages to reconcile most of the major Gaelic lords to his overlordship by promising access to royal justice and arbitration.
Richard’s 1394–95 Irish campaign is the first visit by a reigning English monarch to Ireland since King John in 1210. It demonstrates the king’s ambition to centralize control over the entire lordship, but it also highlights the limits of English power in the face of Gaelic resistance and administrative challenges.
In summary, Richard II’s arrival in Waterford on October 2, 1394, is a pivotal moment in medieval Irish history — a show of royal might, a test of political reform, and a reminder of the enduring challenges of governing a diverse and resistant Ireland.
McCarthy’s early career was meteoric: his first book, An outline of Irish history from the earliest times, appears in 1883 and is a fast-moving, strongly worded, nationalist sketch of Irish history. This is followed by a heavy-handed dramatic poem, Serapion (1883), about the early Christian era. In June of the following year he is returned as the Home Rule LeagueMP for Athlone on the death of the sitting member, and also publishes, to excellent reviews, England under Gladstone, which runs to a second edition within a year. In November 1884, his first play, The Candidate, is an overnight success in the Criterion Theatre in London. Its plot is thin but the humour and political badinage ensures it a long run.
At the 1885 United Kingdom general election McCarthy is elected nationalist MP for Newry, and he holds this seat until 1892. In the two years after his election he writes a number of novels, translates works from Persian, and writes Ireland Since the Union (1887), which is well researched, nationalist and impassioned in tone, showing a flair for biographical sketches. During this period he is known for his good attendance in the House of Commons though he does not speak much – throughout his life he is more an observer than a participator – and he is said by William O’Brien to conceal “under the gentlest of exteriors the fire of the ‘Spirit of the Nation’ ballad” (New Ireland Review, 523). In London he is well known for his controversial drama reviews in The Gentleman’s Magazine and the Sunday Sun, and in Dublin for his numerous verse and prose contributions to United Ireland. Although he makes a name for himself as a brilliant young man, he never fulfills his early promise.
In later years McCarthy continues to publish prolifically but produces only ephemeral works, and his parliamentary attendance slackens off. His political commitment is soured possibly by the party’s split in 1890. He originally sides with Charles Stewart Parnell, emphasizing in a speech on December 1, 1890, that he believes in the old-fashioned theory of personal loyalty to a leader. However, five days later he causes a minor drama by rising at the last minute to follow his father and the forty-three other anti-Parnellites, claiming that he feels he must abide by the decision of the majority. Two years later he leaves politics for good without standing in the 1892 United Kingdom general election. A sympathetic profile of him in the New Ireland Review in 1894 remarks that “no man of equal talents made so slight an impression on the political world.”
Thereafter McCarthy has less involvement in Irish affairs and writes no more Irish history books, though his novels continue to have Irish themes. He lives in London in Putney Common, and continues to travel widely. In 1894, he marries in some haste a popular comic actress, Cecilia Loftus, and the event is widely reported in the English press. However, the marriage is dissolved in the United States five years later. In 1908, his second marriage is to Loullie, daughter of Henry Killick of Budapest. He continues to enjoy success as a dramatist and has five plays, four sketches, and three duologues performed in London in the 1890s. However, he concentrates increasingly on historical fiction, which he produces at breakneck speed. In the first decade of the twentieth century he writes over twelve novels based on periods in English, Italian, French, and Irish history. The Illustrious O’Hagan (1906), The O’Flynn (1910), and The King Over the Water (1911) pointedly contradict English stereotypes of the “stage Irishman.” The Fair Irish Maid (1911) is an allegory of the Irish Parliamentary Party‘s political marriage to the ordinary Irish people rather than to the Anglo-Irishascendancy.
McCarthy dies at home in Putney on March 20, 1936 aged 79, although his obituaries all put his age at 75.
(From: “McCarthy, Justin Huntly” by Bridget Hourican, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Tone is a French Army officer serving under GeneralJean Joseph Amable Humbert in the Irish expedition of 1798. He leaves Ireland for France in 1794, later moves to the United States, and rejoins Humbert in Paris in November 1797. At Ballinamuck, the French-led Irish forces are decisively defeated by British troops. Disguised as a peasant, he is captured on September 8, 1798.
Tone is imprisoned in the Provost prison at Dublin barracks and put on trial before a court-martial on September 21, 24 and 26, 1798. In his defence, he claims he had left Ireland before war was declared, that his imprisonment in France proved his innocence, and that he had tried to prevent the rebels from committing acts of revenge and plunder. He is, however, found guilty of high treason.
On September 29, 1798, Tone is hanged at Arbour Hill Prison and buried at Bodenstown Graveyard, County Kildare. He is unmarried but has a daughter raised by his sister Margaret.
Tone is one of roughly 200 Irish prisoners hanged after the Battle of Ballinamuck, alongside other United Irishmen and French sympathisers. The battle marks a turning point in the Irish Rebellion of 1798, leading to the repatriation of most French soldiers but the summary execution of many Irish insurgents.
In summary, Matthew Tone’s execution on September 29, 1798, is a direct consequence of his role in the French-led Irish expedition, his capture at the Battle of Ballinamuck, and the British government’s harsh response to the defeat, which sees widespread executions of captured rebels.
Reed is the son of John Reed of Galway and Mary Adamson of County Meath. He is educated at Queen’s University Belfast (QUB) and called to the Bar in 1873. He enters the Royal Irish Constabulary and is appointed District Inspector in 1859; becoming Inspector-General in 1885. He retires 1900.
Aside from being the only RIC cadet officer to be promoted to Inspector General, Reed changes the rules for promotion in the Royal Irish Constabulary. Up until his tenure, Catholics had little success in attaining promotions. Even though most of the force is Catholic, almost all the officers are non-Catholic. He institutes a rule that each year, sixty men who are Catholic and pass the Sergeant’s exam will be promoted.
Reed is appointed a Knight Bachelor in 1889, a Companion of the Order of the Bath (CB) in 1892, a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in 1900 and a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB) in 1897.
Reed dies in Dublin on November 7, 1914, and is buried in Dean’s Grange Cemetery. His epitaph reads: – “I have no greater joy than to hear that my children walk in truth.” (3 John 4.)
Ellis is from an Irish republican family, and both of his grandfathers fought in the Easter Rising in 1916. He later owns a television repair business.
Ellis is a former Provisional Irish Republican Army prisoner. He is arrested in 1981, when explosives and bomb making equipment are found under his bed. He is charged with possession of explosives. He jumps bail, but is arrested in Buffalo, New York in February 1982 and extradited to the Republic of Ireland, where in April 1983, he is sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment in Portlaoise Prison. He is convicted of possessing multiple power-timer units for IRA bombs, including those suspected of being used in the Hyde Park and Regent’s Park bombings. In 1983, his fingerprints are found on a huge cache of IRA explosives found in a forest outside the Berkshire town of Pangbourne. The cache is linked to the Harrods and Hyde Park bombings. On November 14, 1990, after thirty-five days on hunger strike, he becomes the first person extradited from the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom under the 1987 Extradition Act. He goes on hunger strike to protest efforts to send him to Britain, but is extradited in the sixth week of his fast. His hunger strike draws considerable domestic and international attention, and at one point TaoiseachCharles Haughey intervenes, asking Ellis’ parents to ask him to give it up, but they refuse. He is acquitted at his trial in London in October 1991.
Ellis is first elected to Dublin City Council in 1999, for the Finglas local electoral area. He unsuccessfully contests the 2002 Irish general election in the Dublin North-West constituency, and receives 4,781 first-preference votes (18.3%). He is again unsuccessful at the 2007 Irish general election in the same constituency, receiving 4,873 votes (15.7%). At the 2011 Irish general election, he is elected to the 31st Dáil with 7,115 (21.7%) of the first-preference votes.
In October 2014, following claims made by Máiría Cahill that she had been raped as a 17-year-old by a member of the Provisional IRA, Ellis states that “If an allegation was made against a volunteer it would have to be investigated [internally]…To be honest they were not qualified to deal with something like sexual abuse”. Based on this, Philip Ryan of the Irish Independent accuses Ellis of admitting that the IRA ran “kangaroo courts.”
In September 2016, a bill is put forward, which if passed would criminalise hare coursing. Sinn Féin supports the legalisation of hare coursing and decides to apply the party whip. As Ellis opposes it he declines to vote. He defies party instructions by not informing party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh that he will not be taking part in the vote so he could be excused. He is subsequently given a written warning.
In December 2016, during a session of the Dáil, Ellis and his fellow Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris are accused by Fine Gael TD Alan Farrell of having information in relation to the shooting of Brian Stack, the chief prison officer at PortlaoisePrison, in 1983. Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams had just delivered an address to the Dáil in relation to Stack when Farrell rises and uses Dáil privilege to state Gerry Adams had listed Ellis and Ferris as amongst people who may have information about the Stack death in an e-mail to the Garda Commission in February 2014, and ask that the two should also address the Dáil on the matter. Ellis immediately responds by stating, “I refute [sic] any allegations. For the information, the man in question claims to be a solicitor, I was actually in jail for the period. In Portlaoise, and before that in America, so you should check your facts. You’re a disgrace.” Ferris follows Ellis, and states, “On the record of this house; In 2013, I met with gardaí at their request regarding the death of Brian Stack, I co-operated fully with them and I have nothing to answer for, and it’s a disgrace what you have come in here naming. You should be ashamed of yourself.” In December 2016, Ellis states he had received death threats following the exchange in the Dáil.
In February 2018, Ellis is censured by Sinn Féin after he states publicly that fellow party member and councillor for Ballymun Noeleen Reilly is “not fit to represent Sinn Féin” and that she had waged a social media campaign against him. For her part, Reilly is suspended by the party for six months.
At the 2020 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 14,375 first-preference votes (44.4%). He is a poll topper in the 2020 general election along with many Sinn Féin TDs in the 2020 election. He is criticised for joining his supporters singing “Come Out, Ye Black and Tans” at the count, but he dismisses the suggestion it is inappropriate.
In 2012, the Irish Independent, citing released internal documents held by the British government that were previously sealed for 30 years, alleges that by 1982 British authorities believe Ellis to be linked to “50 murders” as part of his time in the Provisional IRA. The allegation specifically cites a telegraph from the British embassy in Washington, D.C., to American counterparts in which they claim that Ellis is linked by “forensic evidence to some 50 murders” across Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The Irish Independent claims another document states that Ellis is a “leading member” of the Provisional IRA.
Sinn Féin denounces the allegations as an “Indo Smear” and releases a statement declaring, “This is not the first time such unsubstantiated allegations have been made and Dessie Ellis rejects them as he has repeatedly done. Following a prolonged hunger strike in the 1990s to protest his extradition to Britain, Dessie successfully beat these trumped-up charges in court. Dessie Ellis has made no secret of his involvement in the republican struggle over many decades, including within the ranks of the IRA. Dessie has also been an important persuader for the Peace Process for many years.” Ellis does not make any personal statement on the allegations and refers journalists to Sinn Féin’s official statement.
Ellis is proficient in karate, holding a black belt, and teaches martial arts to young people. He is married to Anne Ellis (née Dunne) with grown up children.
