seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Tag Archives: Belfast


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Founding of the Leinster Football Association

The Leinster Football Association (LFA) is founded on October 27, 1892, at the Wicklow Hotel in Dublin, making it the oldest football association in the area now known as the Republic of Ireland.

The LFA is established to promote and organize association football in the Irish province of Leinster, an area outside the traditional Ulster heartlands of the sport. The founding meeting is attended by representatives of five football clubs: Dublin University A.F.C., Bohemian F.C., Leinster Nomads A.F.C., Montpelier F.C., and St. Helen’s School F.C. Rev. Canon Morley of St. Helen’s School chairs the meeting, and Dudley T. Hussey of Bohemians is appointed the first honorary secretary.

Shortly after its creation, the LFA affiliates with the Belfast-based Irish Football Association (IFA), which donates £50 to support the new association. The LFA quickly organizes its first Leinster Senior Cup in the 1892–93 season, with Leinster Nomads defeating Dublin University 2–1 in the inaugural final. Soon after, the Leinster Senior League is formed, featuring clubs such as Bohemians, Britannia, Dublin University, Leinster Nomads, Phoenix, and Montpelier.

The primary aim of the LFA is to foster football in Leinster at a time when the sport is largely concentrated in Ulster. It becomes a key driver in promoting amateur and youth football, organizing leagues, and holding cup competitions for clubs across the province.

The LFA eventually becomes disaffiliated from the IFA in 1921 due to disputes over perceived Belfast bias, Sunday matches, and differences in focus between amateur and professional football. This leads directly to the establishment of the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) in September 1921, in which the LFA plays a leading role.

In summary, the Leinster Football Association’s founding in 1892 marks the beginning of organized football governance in southern Ireland, overseeing competitions and nurturing clubs outside Ulster, and its establishment remains a key milestone in Irish football history. 


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The Dalai Lama Meets John Hume in Belfast

On October 19, 2000, the 14th Dalai Lama visits Belfast, Northern Ireland, as part of his participation in the World Community for World Peace conference. During this trip, he meets with John Hume, Northern Ireland’s veteran politician and fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Hume, a key architect of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, is widely respected for his unwavering commitment to dialogue and negotiations in resolving the long-running conflict in Northern Ireland. The Dalai Lama, also a Nobel laureate, praises Hume’s deep conviction in the power of peaceful resolution, noting that his leadership and persistence were instrumental in achieving the historic peace agreement.

The meeting takes place at the Ulster Hall in Belfast, a central venue for political and cultural events in Northern Ireland. The Dalai Lama’s visit is part of a three-day stay in the city, underscoring the shared values of peace, nonviolence, and reconciliation between the two leaders.

This encounter reflects the mutual respect between Hume and the Dalai Lama, both of whom have dedicated their lives to resolving conflicts through dialogue rather than violence.


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Birth of Robert McGladdery, the Last Person Executed in Ireland

Robert Andrew McGladdery, the last person to be executed in Northern Ireland and the island of Ireland, is born on October 18, 1935, in the working class Damolly area of Newry, County Down, Northern Ireland.

McGladdery is raised by his mother, Cissie McGladdery, a respectable woman who works at the local Damolly Mill to support the family. His father dies prior to this period, leaving Cissie to raise four children alone in modest circumstances. Information on his father remains scarce, and while details about his siblings are limited, he has at least one older brother named Sam.

During his teenage years in the Newry area, McGladdery exhibits patterns of truancy and engages in minor troubles that lead to multiple placements in reform school. Locally in Newry, he earns a reputation as a “well-known bad lad,” particularly noted for predatorial behavior toward women. This perception persists into his early adulthood, marking him as a loner with a violently self-willed disposition, as recalled by his mother. He works sporadically as an agricultural laborer in the Newry region, a common occupation for young men in the area during the late 1950s. By age 25 in 1961, however, he is unemployed and continues to reside with his mother in Damolly.

McGladdery is convicted of the murder of Pearl Gamble, aged 19, whom he had battered, strangled and stabbed to death on January 28, 1961, and whose body is discovered at Upper Damolly, near Newry. It transpires that the murderer and victim are distant cousins. Gamble had gone to a dance at the Henry Thomson Memorial Orange Hall in Newry with three girlfriends. She had been seen dancing with her boyfriend and McGladdery.

The murder investigations lead to McGladdery. When interviewed, he states to have worn a dark blue suit but other people at the dance say he wore a light-coloured one. He is put under surveillance and is discreetly seen going to some undergrowth on February 10, 1961. The following day, the police discover, inside a pillow case in a septic tank, an overcoat, a waistcoat and a handkerchief, all of which are heavily bloodstained. McGladdery is arrested on the same day.

At his trial in Downpatrick, McGladdery pleads his innocence but is found guilty and sentenced to death on October 16, 1961. The evening before his execution he allegedly makes a full confession to the murder. He is hanged, aged 26, at Crumlin Road Gaol in Belfast on December 20, 1961, by executioner Harry Allen.

A BBC Northern Ireland dramatisation of the case, Last Man Hanging, is broadcast on September 8, 2008. McGladdery is portrayed by Michael Condron.

The murder and subsequent execution is the theme of Eoin McNamee‘s 2010 novel, Orchid Blue.


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Birth of Kieran Doherty, Irish Republican Hunger Striker

Kieran Doherty, Irish republican hunger striker and politician who serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Cavan–Monaghan constituency from June 1981 to August 1981, is born on October 16, 1955, in the Andersonstown area of Belfast. He is a volunteer in the Belfast Brigade of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA).

Doherty is the third son in a family of six. He is educated at St. Theresa’s Primary School and Glen Road Christian Brothers School (CBS). The Doherty brothers are known cyclists and sportsmen in the Andersonstown area. He wins an Antrim Gaelic football medal at minor level in 1971.

Doherty joins Fianna Éireann in 1971 and is interned by the British Government between February 1973 and November 1975. His brothers Michael and Terence are interned between 1972 and 1974.

Doherty works as an apprentice heating engineer. His girlfriend is Geraldine Scheiss and, although they never become formally engaged, they become very close toward the end of his life. Before his arrest, she had not known that he is in the IRA.

In August 1976, while he is out to set a bomb, the van in which he is riding is chased by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). During the chase Doherty manages to leave the van and hijack a car. He later ditches the car and is found one mile away from the car. He is convicted and sentenced to 18 years for possession of firearms and explosives, with another four years for the hijack.

Doherty starts his hunger strike on May 22, 1981. While on hunger strike, he is elected as an Anti H-Block TD for the Cavan–Monaghan constituency at the 1981 Irish general election, which is held on June 11. He receives 9,121 (15.1%) first preference votes and is elected on the fourth count. The two seats gained by Anti H-Block candidates denies Taoiseach Charles Haughey the chance to form a government, and the 22nd Dáil Éireann sees a Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition government come to office, with Garret FitzGerald as Taoiseach.

Doherty dies at the age of 25 on August 2, 1981, in HM Prison Maze (known to republicans as Long Kesh) on the 73rd day of his hunger strike, the longest of the 1981 hunger strikers, and only one day short of Terence MacSwiney. He is the shortest-serving Dáil deputy ever, serving as a TD for only two months.

Doherty is commemorated on the Irish Martyrs Memorial at Waverley Cemetery in Sydney, Australia. In October 2016, a painting of him is unveiled in Leinster House by Sinn Féin.


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Post-Good Friday Agreement Meeting Takes Place in Northern Ireland

A key meeting takes place in Northern Ireland on September 27, 1998, as part of the post-Good Friday Agreement peace process. The principal participants are British Prime Minister Tony Blair, David Trimble, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and First Minister-designate, Seamus Mallon, deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Deputy First Minister-designate, and George Mitchell, former United States Senator and appointed international mediator (often referred to as the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland)

The primary objectives of the meeting include:

  1. Progressing the Peace Process – the parties are consolidating steps needed to establish Northern Ireland’s new devolved Assembly, following the Good Friday Agreement signed in April 1998.
  2. Confirming Executive Arrangements and Cross-Community Cooperation – discussion focuses on how the new Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive can function on a cross-community basis, ensuring Unionist and Nationalist representation in governance and decision-making.
  3. Addressing the Controversial Role of the Queen – newly declassified documents show that Tony Blair and Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam explored whether Queen Elizabeth II should officially open the new Assembly, a sensitive question due to nationalist perception. They propose consulting privately with Seamus Mallon before final decisions are made with David Trimble.
  4. Ensuring the Implementation of Key Good Friday Agreement Provisions – including Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning of weapons, parity in representation for Unionists and Nationalists in the Assembly, and planning for the full transfer of powers from the UK Government to the Assembly, which is scheduled for December 1999.

Key outcomes and discussions coming out of the meeting include:

  1. Commitment to Institutions: Blair, Trimble, and Mallon agree on the importance of setting up a shadow Assembly that can transition to full devolved powers once cross-party agreements are stable.
  2. Cross-Community Provisions: Blair emphasizes that sensitive issues require cross-community approval in the Assembly, warning that majority-rule-only systems could lead to collapse if abused.
  3. International Support: George Mitchell, as U.S. envoy, reaffirms American support for the peace process and encourages local leaders to uphold commitments.
  4. Political Sensitivities of the Queen’s Role: Blair and Mowlam note the potential nationalist backlash if the Queen’s presence is prominent, suggesting alternative ceremonial openings.
  5. Security and Prisoner Issues: Discussions also cover paramilitary decommissioning, with particular concern over Sinn Féin and IRA compliance to allow the formation of the shadow Executive safely.

The meeting is part of a broader diplomatic effort. It occurs after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (April 10, 1998) but before formal referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approving the Agreement (May 22 and 23, 1998). It highlights the delicate balancing act between Unionists and Nationalists, the role of the UK and Irish governments, and international mediation, notably from the U.S. via George Mitchell.

Declassified documents at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) in Belfast detail concerns over cross-community decision-making and the Queen’s status in ceremonial openings. The CAIN: Irish Peace Process Chronology confirms Blair, Trimble, and Mallon are engaging in preparatory discussions to implement the Agreement’s provisions and ensure the Assembly’s initial functionality. U.S. involvement through George Mitchell underscores the international commitment to maintaining peace and political stability during the transitional period.

In summary, the September 27, 1998 meeting is a crucial step in operationalizing the Good Friday Agreement, demonstrating cooperative leadership among British, Unionist, and Nationalist figures, with strategic oversight from the United States. It sets the stage for the new Northern Ireland Assembly, addressing ceremonial, legislative, and security challenges central to the successful devolution of powers.

Key participants demonstrate cautious diplomacy, foresight in cross-community governance, and recognition of the international dimension crucial to Northern Ireland’s peace process.

(Pictured: (L to R) David Trimble, George Mitchell and Seamus Mallon)


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Civil Rights Marchers Defy Ban Imposed By Belfast City Council

On September 25, 1999, a group of Protestant civil rights marchers in Belfast deliberately defy a ban imposed by the Belfast City Council to participate in an event during the so-called “Long March.” The march is organized as part of a series of demonstrations by Protestant and Unionist groups in Northern Ireland, following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

The march is orchestrated by networks of Ulster Unionist victims’ groups, Protestant clergy, parties, and cultural organizations. The mobilization draws from what scholars term the Unionist Victims Movement, which seeks to highlight perceived mistreatment of Protestant Unionists in the post-agreement political settlement. Groups involved include the Northern Irish Victims of Terrorism Association (NIVTA) and affiliated organizations. They frame the protest in terms of civil rights for Protestants, drawing analogies with global civil rights movements to legitimize their cause.

The September 25 march aims to lay a wreath at the cenotaph in Belfast to commemorate victims of the Troubles. This act is symbolic, emphasizing that Protestant victims of the conflict feel ignored or marginalized in the ongoing peace process. The march is also referred to as “The Long March,” which is structured to traverse central areas of Belfast, culminating in a rally at the grounds of Stormont Parliament. Organizers promote messages such as “pride, not prejudice” and “heritage, not hatred” to frame the march as a civic, rights-based demonstration rather than sectarian agitation.

Belfast City Council issues a ban on the march, restricting access to certain areas. Nevertheless, the Protestant marchers blatantly defy this prohibition. This act of defiance is deliberate, signaling a protest against perceived institutional bias and asserting the visibility of the Protestant community’s grievances.

The march reflects ongoing tensions within Northern Irish society during a period of post-conflict transition, where newly established power sharing mechanisms are perceived by some Unionist factions as disadvantaging Protestant communities. The event is emblematic of a strategy used by the Unionist Victims Movement to mobilize public attention and articulate a collective identity rooted in historical victimhood, despite being part of a locally dominant ethno-national group.

Contemporary news accounts note the boldness of defying official restrictions and the wider sociopolitical implications for the peace process. The Long March serves as both a commemorative act and a political statement, uniting a range of Protestant organizations in a conflictual social movement for civil rights recognition.

In summary, the September 25, 1999 Protestant civil rights march in Belfast is a strategically organized demonstration by Protestant and Unionist groups that deliberately defies a municipal ban to assert the civil rights of their community. The event combines symbolic commemoration of the Troubles’ victims with a broader protest against perceived post-Good Friday Agreement injustices, highlighting the complex dynamics of post-conflict mobilization and identity politics in Northern Ireland.


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Dáil Éireann Declared Illegal by the British

On September 12, 1919, the British government, acting through the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Sir John French, declares Dáil Éireann — the revolutionary parliament of the Irish Republic — illegal. The proclamation categorises the Dáil as a “dangerous organisation” and adds it to a list of banned groups, which also includes Sinn Féin, the Irish Volunteers, Cumann na mBan, and the Gaelic League.

The ban comes after just eight months of Dáil Éireann’s existence, which begins on January 21, 1919, when Sinn Féin MPs refuse to take their seats in Westminster and instead convene a separate parliament in Dublin. The British initially underestimate its significance, but events change rapidly.

Sinn Féin’s attempt to raise funds (the Dáil Loan) in August 1919 for the republican cause is seen as a move to legitimise an independent administration, undermining British control. Also, some Irish Volunteers members swear allegiance to Dáil Éireann, which is seen as a political act with potential to inspire wider resistance. The summer of 1919 also sees a surge in attacks, prompting Dublin Castle to respond with suppression measures.

The proclamation takes effect nationwide, including all counties and major boroughs such as Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, Derry, and Waterford. Within days, police raids and searches target Sinn Féin headquarters and members’ homes. The Harcourt Street headquarters in Dublin is raided, leading to arrests of figures like Patrick O’Keefe and Ernest Blythe. Similar searches occur in Belfast, Derry, Omagh, and Ballycastle, uncovering literature, weapons, and ammunition in some cases.

The ban is a major blow to Sinn Féin’s political prestige, but it also hardens the resolve of many republicans. Historians note that the suppression turned some moderate politicians into “extremists” and increased the likelihood of militarisation. Despite the crackdown, the Dáil continues to operate in secret, meeting in multiple Dublin locations to maintain the Irish Republic’s political legitimacy.

In short, the September 12, 1919 declaration marks a turning point in the Irish War of Independence, shifting the conflict from political negotiation to open confrontation.

(Pictured: Members of the First Dáil Éireann seated and standing outside the Mansion House in Dublin on January 21, 1919)


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Van Morrison Inducted Into Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame

Rock legend Van Morrison becomes the first inductee into the Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame in Dublin on September 1, 1999. The honour is presented at a special ceremony hosted by poet Brendan Kennelly, with countryman Bob Geldof delivering the tribute. Morrison, 54 at the time, performs at the event, showcasing his signature blend of soul, jazz, and rock.

The Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame is created to celebrate and preserve the best of Irish musical talent over decades, from traditional acts like Christy Moore and The Dubliners to modern icons such as U2, Boyzone, and Ash. It is based around a new multimedia exhibition in Dublin city centre, highlighting the history and development of Irish rock and pop.

Morrison, born in Belfast, Northern Ireland, is widely regarded as Ireland’s greatest living legend. Hall of Fame director Niall Stokes, the editor of Hot Press, praises him as a “multi-talented creative force” with an “astonishing body of work of great depth and beauty.” Geldof calls him “the only genius in Irish music.”

This induction marks Morrison’s first major honour in Ireland, though he has already been inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1993. The Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame is distinct from the U.S. Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, which has been operating since 1983.

The 1999 induction cements Morrison’s status not only as a global rock icon but also as a defining figure in Irish music history. It is a milestone moment for the Hall of Fame, setting the stage for future inductees chosen by a panel of industry experts.


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Irish Nationalists Protest Across Northern Ireland

On August 14, 1969, in response to the escalating violence in Derry, County Londonderry, Irish nationalists hold protests across Northern Ireland, marking a turning point in the region’s political and sectarian conflict.

The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly Catholic Bogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.

Thousands of Catholic/nationalist residents, organised under the Derry Citizens’ Defence Association, resist the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and loyalist attacks. They build barricades, set up first aid posts, and even petrol bomb workshops. The RUC uses tear gas for the first time in United Kingdom police history, and residents fear the arrival of the armed Ulster Special Constabulary (B-Specials). The Bogside becomes a no-go area known as “Free Derry.”

On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.

By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.

The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.

In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.


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Death of John Henry MacFarland, Irish Australian Educationist

Sir John Henry MacFarland, distinguished Irish Australian educationist, dies in Melbourne, Australia, on July 22, 1935. He serves as the first master of Ormond College and Chancellor of the University of Melbourne, leaving a major legacy in higher education and the Presbyterian Church in Australia.

MacFarland is born on April 19, 1851, in Omagh, County Tyrone, the elder son of John MacFarland, a draper, and Margaret Jane Henry, daughter of the Reverend William Henry. He attends the Royal Belfast Academical Institution in Belfast before earning a BA in Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Queen’s College, Belfast in 1871 and an MA in 1872. He then studies at St. John’s College, Cambridge, where he obtains a second BA in 1876 and an MA in 1879.

MacFarland begins his professional career teaching at Repton School, Derbyshire, from 1876 to 1880, where he develops innovative teaching methods and founds a physics laboratory. In 1881, he becomes the first master of Ormond College, University of Melbourne, where he holds an influential position for over three decades. He is known for rigorous but fair discipline, encouragement of student self-governance, and exceptional leadership in both academic and pastoral care.

MacFarland actively contributes to broader educational governance, serving on committees for technical education, managing university finances, and later advancing to Vice-Chancellor of the University of Melbourne in 1910. He resigns from Ormond College in 1913 to focus on university-wide administration. In 1918, he becomes Chancellor, a role he maintains until his death in 1935, overseeing expansion and reforms within the university.

MacFarland is deeply involved with the Presbyterian Church, managing finances, serving as elder, and supporting mission and educational initiatives. He serves as director and later chairman of the National Mutual Life Association from around 1905 until 1928, demonstrating notable administrative skill. He generously contributes to scholarships and the Presbyterian Church, leaving the bulk of his estate to charitable and educational causes.

MacFarland remains largely celibate, dedicating his life to education and church service. He maintains active recreational pursuits, including cycling, walking, golfing, and trout-fishing in New Zealand. Upon his death on July 22, 1935, in Melbourne, he is cremated, and his life is widely commemorated for its impact on education, church, and community service.

MacFarland’s legacy endures in Australian higher education through Ormond College, his contributions to university governance, and his philanthropic support of scholarships and church programs. He is remembered as a scholar, administrator, and community leader of exceptional integrity and vision.