Casement, a founder of the Irish National Volunteers and a former British diplomat, has traveled to the United States to seek American backing for his republican cause. When that proves unsuccessful, he turns to Germany, hoping to enlist Irish soldiers in the British Army to fight alongside the Germans in World War I. His plan is to raise an “Irish Brigade” composed of Irish prisoners of war captured in Belgium and France, who are estimated to number 35,000–40,000.
The September 13 meeting in Washington is one of several contacts Casement makes with German officials, including Papen, to present his proposal. He argues that an Irish Brigade could bolster the German war effort while advancing Ireland’s independence goals. However, Papen rejects the idea, and the alliance does not materialize.
Without German support, Casement’s efforts to secure Irish military aid for the 1916 Easter Rising fails. The Rising proceeds without foreign assistance, and Casement himself is arrested by British authorities in 1916, tried for treason, and executed on August 3, 1916. Despite his execution, he remains remembered as a key figure in Irish nationalism and a symbol of resistance to British rule.
In summary, the September 13, 1914, meeting in Washington, D.C., marks a high point in Casement’s diplomatic campaign for Irish independence, but it ends in rejection, setting the stage for his later role in the Easter Rising and his martyrdom.
(Pictured: Sir Roger Casement (left) and Franz von Papen)
On September 6, 1929, diplomat John V. Fahy criticizes the administrative requirement that Irish Free Statepassports in the United States be issued via Britain, highlighting early challenges in the Irish Free State’s foreign affairs and consular administration.
Following the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922, the new state faces significant administrative and diplomatic challenges. One such issue involves the issuance of passports to Irish citizens abroad, particularly in the United States. Despite Ireland’s independence, Irish Free State passports have to be processed through Britain, reflecting lingering complexities in recognition and administrative capacity.
At this time, questions of citizenship are intertwined with the status of Irish citizens as British subjects, and the British Foreign Office insists that passports clearly indicate whether holders are considered British subjects. This creates practical difficulties for the Irish government, which seeks to assert its sovereignty and provide proper documentation to its citizens internationally.
John V. Fahy, an Irish diplomat stationed in the United States, documents his concerns in a memorandum noting that the requirement to route passports through Britain is problematic. The memorandum decries the lack of an independent Irish passport issuance process in the United States, emphasizing the tension between Ireland’s formal independence and the residual administrative dependence on Britain. This memorandum reflects both the everyday bureaucratic hurdles faced by the Free State and the broader issue of Irish identity and sovereignty in international affairs.
Fahy’s memorandum is historically important for several reasons. It illustrates the early difficulties the Irish Free State faces in exercising full consular authorityoverseas. It highlights the ongoing legal ambiguities surrounding Irish citizenship and the status of Irish Free State passport holders during this period. It provides insight into diplomatic pressures on the emerging Irish state as it navigates recognition and procedural independence from Britain.
In summary, John V. Fahy’s memorandum serves as a notable record of the challenges that confronts Irish diplomats and administrators in asserting the Free State’s sovereignty and managing the practicalities of international travel in the early years of Ireland’s independence.
On September 5, 1998, United States PresidentBill Clinton becomes a Freeman of Limerick, following in the footsteps of John F. Kennedy, who had received the honor in 1963. The ceremony marks the last day of Clinton’s official visit to Ireland, which had begun earlier in the month and included stops in Dublin, Adare, Limerick, and Kerry.
On September 5, thousands gather on O’Connell Street to hear Clinton speak to an estimated 40,000 people. His address references the Good Friday Agreement and the peace process, saying: “Because of what you have done in Ireland in 1998, you have made it possible for me to tell every warring, feuding hating group of people trapped in the prison of their past conflicts to look at Ireland and know there can be a better day.”
The speech is broadcast worldwide and is delivered during a period when Clinton is facing political challenges in the United States, but he is still held in high esteem in Ireland for his role in the Northern Ireland peace process.
By being granted the Freedom of the City of Limerick, Clinton joins a distinguished list of U.S. presidents honored by Irish cities, underscoring the strong ties between the United States and Ireland. The visit and ceremony are symbolic of reconciliation, mutual respect, and the shared history of Irish Americans in U.S. politics.
In short, September 5, 1998, is both a personal milestone for Clinton and a moment of national and international significance, blending political diplomacy with public celebration.
Delivered at the Irish National Convention in Chicago on August 18, 1886, John E. Redmond’s address is a defining moment in his political career and in the broader Irish nationalist movement. The convention, organized by the Irish National League of America, brings together Irish Americans to rally support for Irish self-government and to affirm their loyalty to the United States while maintaining ties to Ireland.
The key themes of Redmond’s speech include:
Irish Americans’ Commitment to Ireland: Redmond emphasizes that regardless of their economic status—soldier, businessman, or laborer—Irish Americans have never forgotten their homeland. He notes that even in prosperity, they set aside time to “tell her story” and work toward Ireland’s “redemption.”
The Principle of the Irish Movement: Redmond frames the Irish struggle as rooted in the principle of rebellion against the rule of strangers, a principle upheld for centuries by figures like Owen Roe O’Neill, Thomas Emmet, and Robert Emmet. He stresses that this is not “race hatred” but a call for justice for the future, not revenge for past wrongs.
Brotherhood of Nations: Despite the bitterness of past injustices, Redmond affirms belief in the brotherhood of nations. He argues that the Irish movement’s core is not hatred of England, but a demand for fair treatment and self-determination.
The Role of the Convention: Standing as “ambassadors sent here to represent the Irish nation at home,” Redmond calls the convention a “supreme honour” and a vital link between Ireland and its diaspora. He urges Americans to recognize the Irish people’s enduring connection to their heritage and to support their cause.
The 1886 convention is part of a wave of Irish American activism during the Home Rule movement. Redmond, then a rising figure in Irish politics, is positioning himself as a unifying voice for both Irish Americans and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). His speech helps solidify his reputation as a skilled orator and a moderate yet principled leader.
Lord Russell of Killowen later cites this speech as evidence that the Irish Parliamentary Party is not aligned with the more radical physical force movement, highlighting its emphasis on justice and unity over sectarianism. The address remains a key example of Redmond’s ability to balance nationalist sentiment with appeals to shared human values.
Many of the refugees have spent months in refugee camps in Hong Kong and Malaysia, often rescued from overcrowded boats after long, dangerous voyages. Some, like Tri Quoc Nguyen, recall the smell of vomit and sweat from days at sea, and the trauma of internment for family members. Delays in resettlement elsewhere—such as the United States—leads some to choose Ireland for its perceived safety and shorter wait.
The Irish government invites these refugees, and religious and non-governmental organisations play a major role in resettlement. The first group of about 212 Vietnamese is dispersed to various Irish towns, including Tralee, Portlaoise, and Cork. Many later move to Dublin, where they begin building new lives.
Over the decades, the Vietnamese-Irish community has grown into a well-established ethnic minority in Ireland, with contributions in business, education, and culture. Many open Vietnamese restaurants and community businesses, and maintain strong family and cultural ties.
This August 9, 1979 event marks the beginning of a significant chapter in Irish migration history, symbolising Ireland’s role in humanitarian resettlement during the late 20th century.
Brennan is the second of two children to Patrick Brennan of the Catholic parish of Beauparc and Catherine Brennan (née Rourke). Little is recorded of his early education, but he develops a reputation as an intelligent and articulate public speaker. At age 18, he begins working as a clerk at Murtagh Bros., a Dublin-based bakery, alongside his uncle James Rourke. Through his connections with Patrick Egan, he and his uncle join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and become active in election campaigns and nationalist organizing.
By 1877–1878, Brennan has become the civil secretary of the Leinster IRB and honorary secretary of the Dublin Mechanics Institute. In 1879, he plays an instrumental role in establishing the Land League of Mayo, acting alongside Michael Davitt and Patrick Egan. When the Irish National Land League is formally founded in October 1879, Brennan is appointed assistant secretary, effectively helping manage the League’s operations and campaigns for tenant farmers.
Brennan is known for his eloquence at public rallies, often linking land agitation to Irish nationalist objectives and espousing radical, egalitarian ideas. During the Land League’s activities, he faces trial for encouraging non-payment of rent but is not convicted. He later takes on the duties of national secretary after Davitt’s arrest and authorizes the issuance of the “No Rent Manifesto” from Kilmainham Gaol in 1881, a pivotal document in Ireland’s land struggle.
Following internal shifts in Irish nationalist politics and limitations placed on his influence by Charles Stewart Parnell, Brennan emigrates to the United States. He works for Patrick Ford’s Irish World newspaper in New York City, critiquing aspects of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and emphasizing non-violent republican principles. By 1883, he settles in Omaha, Nebraska, partnering with Patrick Egan in the Omaha Mortgage Company, specializing in real estate, investment, and insurance. He becomes a respected businessman and seeks to maintain connections with the Irish American nationalist community.
Brennan never marries and eventually dedicates himself to business in Omaha. He passes away on December 19, 1912, in Omaha, Nebraska, having left a lasting impact on Irish land reform efforts and the nationalist movement. He is buried in Holy Sepulchre Cemetery in Omaha.
Brennan is remembered as a founder and key administrator of the Irish National Land League, a signatory of the “No Rent Manifesto,” and a prominent voice in the Irish republican movement. His advocacy helps shape the course of land reform in Ireland and fosters Irish nationalist sentiment both domestically and among the diaspora.
Sources confirm that his activism, speeches, and organizational skill were central to the Land League’s influence, and he remains a notable figure in 19th-century Irish political history.
Mitchel, a writer for The Nation and founder of his own journal, United Irishman, openly preaches rebellion against England. Convicted of treason in 1848, he is sentenced to fourteen years transportation in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). In 1853, he escapes to the United States, where he publishes his Jail Journal. While in the United States, he is editor of the Richmond Examiner and a strong advocate of Confederate rights and champions slavery. He is imprisoned for several months following the end of the American Civil War.
Mitchel’s return visit to Ireland is prompted by political developments in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which has nominated him for seats in Cork City and Tipperary without informing him. His well-known skepticism toward constitutional “moral force” agitation makes it uncertain whether he will accept the nomination, but the nomination proceeds anyway.
Mitchel’s return is unexpected, yet is met with public acclaim. Upon arriving in Queenstown (now Cobh, County Cork), he is met by a large crowd, and when he reaches Cork, a procession of ten thousand people escorts him to his hotel. This demonstrates the respect and support he still commands among Irish nationalists, despite his exile in the United States since 1853.
Mitchel then goes to Newry, his native town, where he stays for a few months to recuperate his health and await any opportunity to be elected to Parliament. However, no parliamentary vacancy arises during his stay, and he eventually returns to New York City in October 1872.
Mitchel’s return is part of a pattern of political activity in his later years. In 1875, he is again nominated for Tipperary, elected without opposition, and declared an abstentionistMP — but his election is overturned by the British government on the grounds of his previous felony conviction. He dies in March 1875 in Dromolane, County Down, in the same house where he was born.
In summary, July 25, 1872, marks the beginning of a brief but politically charged visit to Ireland for John Mitchel, a figure remembered for his uncompromising republican stance and his role in the Young Ireland movement.
In 2002, the Irish tourism sector faces weaker-than-expected visitor figures. To address this and stimulate short-term revenue, O’Donoghue reallocates €3 million specifically for front-line marketing activities targeted at both domestic and international audiences. At the time, he has recently been appointed Minister for Arts, Sport, and Tourism, a role he holds from June 2002 to 2007.
The funds are intended to bolster promotional campaigns abroad, particularly in major overseas markets such as Britain, France, and the United States, support domestic marketing efforts to encourage local travel and spending, and focus on aggressively promoting Ireland in the British market, identified as having the highest potential return on investment for tourism.
Tourism Ireland, which operates as the official agency promoting the island of Ireland as a tourist destination, welcomes the additional funding. Chief Executive Paul O’Toole emphasizes that the investment will ensure maximum returns for the Irish tourism industry.
Before this funding boost, Irish tourism is a major economic sector. According to governmental reports from 2002, foreign exchange earnings in 2001 reach approximately €3.7 billion, domestic tourism earnings exceed €1.2 billion, and the industry supports nearly 140,000 jobs. The €3 million marketing allocation is part of a strategic effort to enhance Ireland’s international competitiveness and stimulate both short-term visitor numbers and longer-term growth.
While immediate tangible effects of this specific €3 million investment are not detailed in the sources, it reflects Ireland’s broader commitment to tourism promotion. By investing in strategic marketing campaigns in key international markets, the government aims to recover visitor numbers and strengthen Ireland’s profile as a tourist destination.
In conclusion, the July 15, 2002, announcement by Minister John O’Donoghue is a targeted move to energize Irish tourism through immediate marketing action, especially in international markets, during a period of lower-than-expected tourist arrivals.
On July 14, 1910, the Irish Socialist Federation (ISF) in New York City hosts a farewell dinner for James Connolly, marking the end of his time as its leader. This event is a significant moment in his career, as he had been instrumental in founding the Federation on March 29, 1907, and has been its driving force in organizing Irish socialist and trade union activity in the United States.
By 1910, Connolly has been active in the socialist movement in the United States for several years. He initially joins the Socialist Labor Party of America but becomes a full-time organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1905 to 1910, aligning with its syndicalist approach. His work with the Irish Socialist Federation has been central to building a network of Irish workers in America, linking them to socialist principles and Irish nationalist aspirations.
The July 14, 1910, dinner is a public acknowledgment of Connolly’s contributions and a symbolic send-off as he prepares to return to Ireland. Upon his return, he takes on a major role in the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), first in Belfast and then in Dublin, and later becomes acting General Secretary and Commandant of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA).
The political and labor impact of the event underscores Connolly’s growing influence in both the Irish socialist movement abroad and the domestic labor struggle. It reflects the Federation’s commitment to supporting Irish socialist leaders and their work in the United States and Ireland. It is also remembers as a key moment in Connolly’s transition from U.S. organizer to a central figure in the Irish labor and republican movements.
In short, the July 14, 1910, farewell dinner is both a personal farewell and a political milestone, highlighting Connolly’s role as a bridge between Irish socialism in the United States and the emerging labor and republican movements in Ireland.
Catherine O’Leary (née Donegan), was an Irish immigrant living in Chicago, Illinois, dies in Chicago on July 3, 1895. She becomes associated with the origin of the Great Chicago Fire in 1871. She is widely accused of starting the fire when a cow in her barn allegedly kicks over a lantern, though the story is later shown to be unfounded.
Donegan is born in Ireland in March 1827, with more specific accounts placing her birth near Cork, in the Munster province, later emigrating to the United States. She marries Patrick O’Leary, and the couple has three children. Their son, James Patrick O’Leary, later operates a saloon and gambling establishment in Chicago.
On the evening of October 8, 1871, a fire begins in the O’Leary family’s barn on DeKoven Street. Fueled by dry conditions and strong winds, the fire spreads rapidly and destroys a large portion of Chicago.
Shortly after the fire, journalist Michael Ahern publishes a story claiming that the fire had started when a cow kicked over a lantern while it was being milked. Although he does not initially name Catherine O’Leary, she soon becomes associated with the incident because the fire began on her property. The story gains widespread attention and is reinforced by illustrations and caricatures.
In 1893, Ahern admits that he had fabricated the story. The official investigation into the fire concludes that its exact cause could not be determined. Anti-Irish sentiment at the time contributes to the O’Leary family being treated as scapegoats, and various unverified claims circulate about the circumstances of the fire.
O’Leary continues to live in Chicago after the fire. She dies of pneumonia on July 3, 1895, and is buried at Mount Olivet Cemetery.
The story of O’Leary’s cow becomes a widely repeated explanation for the Great Chicago Fire, despite its lack of evidence. In 1997, the Chicago City Council formally exonerates O’Leary of any responsibility for the fire, following research by historian Richard Bales.
seamus dubhghaill 