seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA


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Death of Johnny Lyons, 98FM Sports Presenter & Editor

Johnny Lyons, the long-time sports presenter and editor at 98FM, is found dead at his Dublin home on the evening of August 19, 2015. The 49‑year‑old broadcaster had been away from work for several weeks recovering from a broken ankle and was expected to return to the air the following week.

Friends become concerned when they cannot reach him, prompting a search of his apartment in Dublin city centre, where his body is discovered. The cause of death is not immediately known, but 98FM confirms he died suddenly and peacefully.

Lyons joins 98FM in 1996 and serves as the station’s Sports Editor for nearly two decades. He is best known for hosting the popular Sunday morning show Now That’s What I Call Sport (9 a.m.–10 a.m.) and also presents Premier League Live on Today FM. His distinctive voice, passion for soccer, and larger‑than‑life personality make him a familiar and beloved figure in Irish sports broadcasting.

The news of Lyons death shocks colleagues and fans across the media and sporting worlds. 98FM’s management describes him as “the backbone of our sports team” and “a great friend.” The Football Association of Ireland (FAI) praises him as “a great football man who really understood the game” and plans to pay tribute at Dublin’s Aviva Stadium during the following month’s match against Georgia. Tributes pour in from fellow broadcasters, politicians, and sports figures, with some calling him “the unmistakable voice of sport in Dublin.”

Lyons’s funeral is held at the Church of St. Therese, Mount Merrion, Dublin, followed by burial at Shanganagh Cemetery in Shankill, County Dublin. The station and FAI both announce on‑air tributes in his memory. His sudden passing leaves a significant gap in Irish sports radio, and his legacy as a passionate, knowledgeable, and charismatic sports voice will be remembered by many.


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John Redmond’s Speech at the Irish National Convention in Chicago

Delivered at the Irish National Convention in Chicago on August 18, 1886, John E. Redmond’s address is a defining moment in his political career and in the broader Irish nationalist movement. The convention, organized by the Irish National League of America, brings together Irish Americans to rally support for Irish self-government and to affirm their loyalty to the United States while maintaining ties to Ireland.

The key themes of Redmond’s speech include:

Irish Americans’ Commitment to Ireland: Redmond emphasizes that regardless of their economic status—soldier, businessman, or laborer—Irish Americans have never forgotten their homeland. He notes that even in prosperity, they set aside time to “tell her story” and work toward Ireland’s “redemption.”

The Principle of the Irish Movement: Redmond frames the Irish struggle as rooted in the principle of rebellion against the rule of strangers, a principle upheld for centuries by figures like Owen Roe O’Neill, Thomas Emmet, and Robert Emmet. He stresses that this is not “race hatred” but a call for justice for the future, not revenge for past wrongs.

Brotherhood of Nations: Despite the bitterness of past injustices, Redmond affirms belief in the brotherhood of nations. He argues that the Irish movement’s core is not hatred of England, but a demand for fair treatment and self-determination.

The Role of the Convention: Standing as “ambassadors sent here to represent the Irish nation at home,” Redmond calls the convention a “supreme honour” and a vital link between Ireland and its diaspora. He urges Americans to recognize the Irish people’s enduring connection to their heritage and to support their cause.

The 1886 convention is part of a wave of Irish American activism during the Home Rule movement. Redmond, then a rising figure in Irish politics, is positioning himself as a unifying voice for both Irish Americans and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). His speech helps solidify his reputation as a skilled orator and a moderate yet principled leader.

Lord Russell of Killowen later cites this speech as evidence that the Irish Parliamentary Party is not aligned with the more radical physical force movement, highlighting its emphasis on justice and unity over sectarianism. The address remains a key example of Redmond’s ability to balance nationalist sentiment with appeals to shared human values.


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Whigs Adopt Non-Interference Policy with Food Markets During Famine

On August 17, 1846, Lord John Russell’s Whig administration formally adopts a policy of non-interference with internal and export markets for food in Ireland during the Great Famine. This decision reflects the prevailing laissez-faire economic philosophy of the time, which holds that markets should operate freely without government intervention.

The Great Famine devastates the 1845 potato harvest, and by 1846 the blight returns with greater severity, destroying the autumn crop. Many Irish peasants have no money to buy imported grain, meat, or dairy, which are being exported to Britain under the Corn Laws. While the repeal of these laws in 1846 lowers grain prices, it does little to help Ireland because of the lack of purchasing power.

Russell’s government, influenced by figures like Charles Trevelyan, believes that internal markets (local food supply) should be left to private merchants, who are often reluctant to import food for Ireland; export markets for Irish grain should not be restricted, as the Whigs see no need to interfere with trade; government relief should focus on employment schemes (e.g., road and canal building) to give people income to buy food, rather than direct food distribution.

Relief depots are opened only in areas of greatest need, such as West Cork, Kerry, and Donegal, where local merchants are few. Imported maize is distributed in these limited areas, but most of Ireland remains without direct food aid. Work schemes are introduced, but wages are low (8–10 pence per day) and often delayed, making them insufficient for survival.

This policy means that Ireland’s food crisis worsens as exports continue and local shortages deepen, causing many people to starve despite the availability of food in Ireland. The government’s role is minimal, focusing on indirect measures rather than direct relief.

In short, the August 17, 1846 decision marks a shift from Robert Peel’s limited relief efforts to a hands-off approach, prioritizing free markets over direct intervention, which critics argue prolonged the famine’s suffering.

(Pictured: Photograph of John Russell, by Edwin Mayal, 1861. Source: The National Portrait Gallery)


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Anti-Treaty IRA 4th Northern Division Attacks Dundalk

On August 16, 1922, three hundred men of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) 4th Northern Division, commanded by Frank Aiken, launches an attack on Dundalk in County Louth during the early phase of the Irish Civil War. This operation is part of a broader campaign by Anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State army and to disrupt Free State control in the border counties.

By mid-1922, the Irish Civil War begins after the Anglo-Irish Treaty splits the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The 4th Northern Division, based in counties Armagh, Down, and Louth, is one of the most formidable Anti-Treaty units in the region. Frank Aiken, a veteran IRA commander, has rebuilt this division during the Truce period, using it for guerrilla operations and border raids.

The Free State Army, under the National Army, is consolidating control in southern and midland counties, while Anti-Treaty forces focus on border counties to prevent Free State expansion and to maintain resistance.

The August 16 assault on Dundalk is a border raid aimed at disrupting Free State supply lines and communications, isolating and weakening Free State positions in the Louth area and demonstrating Anti-Treaty strength to other IRA units and the wider population. They use two mines to breach the walls of the barracks and temporarily take over the town.

Seven Free State soldiers are killed and fifteen are wounded. Two republicans are killed, accidentally by one of their own mines, and thirty are wounded. About 240 republican prisoners are freed from the prison and 400 rifles are taken. Aiken, however, does not try to hold the town and, while in possession of it, calls for a truce in a meeting in the town square.

While the attack is significant in symbolic terms, it does not achieve a decisive strategic breakthrough. Free State forces are able to regroup and counterattack, and the operation highlights the challenges Anti-Treaty units face in sustaining large-scale offensives against a better-equipped and more mobile National Army.

The raid exemplifies the “war along the border” strategy, where Anti-Treaty forces target Free State-held border towns and infrastructure. Aiken’s leadership as commander of the 4th Northern Division underscores his reputation as a skilled guerrilla leader. The attack reflects the early Civil War pattern of small-scale, mobile raids by Anti-Treaty forces against Free State-held towns and garrisons.

In summary, the August 16, 1922, Dundalk attack is a notable Anti-Treaty IRA operation that showcases the 4th Northern Division’s capabilities but also the limitations of their conventional-style assaults against the Free State’s growing military presence.

(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division of the Irish Republican Army)


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The Consecration of Galway Cathedral

The Cathedral of Our Lady Assumed into Heaven and St. Nicholas, commonly known as Galway Cathedral, in Galway, County Galway, is consecrated by Cardinal Richard Cushing, Archbishop of Boston and Papal Legate for the Holy See, on August 15, 1965. The date is significant as it falls on the Feast of the Assumption of Mary, to whom the cathedral is dedicated alongside Saint Nicholas, patron saint of sailors and merchants.

The consecration is a major ecclesiastical event attended by President Éamon de Valera, who lights the sanctuary candle, and by Cardinal William Conway, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, who celebrates Mass. Bishop Michael Browne, Bishop of Galway and Kilmacduagh, is accompanied at the altar by four archbishops, underscoring the cathedral’s importance as the mother church of the Diocese of Galway and Kilmacduagh. Thousands of people gather for the blessing, which begins with a procession from the Convent of Mercy to the cathedral’s front entrance.

Galway Cathedral is built on the site of the old city prison, with construction starting in 1958 and completion in 1965. Designed by architect John J. Robinson, it is a striking example of Renaissance Revival architecture, with influences from Romanesque and Gothic styles. Constructed almost entirely of local limestone, it features an octagonal dome 44.2 metres (145 ft.) high, supported by eight pillars each adorned with a mosaic of one of the Beatitudes.

The consecration marks the opening of the cathedral as the last great stone cathedral to be built in Europe. The dedication to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven reflects both Marian devotion and the city’s maritime heritage, while the building itself stands as a testament to Galway’s cultural and religious identity.

In summary, August 15, 1965, is a historic day for Galway, when Cardinal Richard Cushing’s consecration of the new cathedral brings together national and international religious figures, Irish political leadership, and the faithful in a celebration of faith, heritage, and architecture.


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Irish Nationalists Protest Across Northern Ireland

On August 14, 1969, in response to the escalating violence in Derry, County Londonderry, Irish nationalists hold protests across Northern Ireland, marking a turning point in the region’s political and sectarian conflict.

The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly Catholic Bogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.

Thousands of Catholic/nationalist residents, organised under the Derry Citizens’ Defence Association, resist the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and loyalist attacks. They build barricades, set up first aid posts, and even petrol bomb workshops. The RUC uses tear gas for the first time in United Kingdom police history, and residents fear the arrival of the armed Ulster Special Constabulary (B-Specials). The Bogside becomes a no-go area known as “Free Derry.”

On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.

By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.

The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.

In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.


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Oliver Cromwell Sets Sail for Ireland

Oliver Cromwell, English statesman, farmer and soldier, sets sail from Milford Haven, Pembrokeshire, Wales, on August 13, 1649, with a fleet of about 35 ships, accompanied by a second and third flotilla that arrives days later. The invasion marks the beginning of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, a brutal four-year campaign (1649–1653) that reshapes the island’s political and demographic landscape.

By 1649, England is in the midst of the English Civil War. The execution of King Charles I in January leaves the Commonwealth of England under Cromwell’s leadership. Ireland, already embroiled in the Irish Confederate Wars, has become a battleground between Irish Catholic Confederates allied with the exiled Charles II, Royalist forces under James Butler, Earl of Ormonde, and  Parliamentarian forces led by Cromwell and his son-in-law Henry Ireton.

Cromwell’s landing at Dublin is swift but not without hardship—seasickness plagues him during the voyage. He lands with around 9,000–20,000 troops, stores, and £20,000 in cash. His early actions include the Siege of Drogheda (September 10, 1649) where, following a prolonged cannonade, his forces breach the town’s defenses. On September 11, the entire garrison—about 8,000 men, including English troops, Irish soldiers, and civilians—is massacred, including commander Sir Arthur Aston. Early actions also include the Sack of Wexford (October 1649). Despite Cromwell’s public justification for the slaughter, Wexford’s garrison and civilians are killed in a similar manner.

Over the next four years, Cromwell’s forces defeat the Irish Confederacy by late 1650, engage in widespread plunder, executions, and displacement of Catholic populations, confiscate large tracts of Catholic land for Protestant settlers under the Cromwellian Plantation, and introduce the Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652, barring Catholics from most public offices and redistributing land.

Modern estimates suggest 15–40% of Ireland’s pre-1641 population perishes due to warfare, famine, and disease. The campaign entrenches Protestant dominance in Ireland and leaves deep scars in Irish memory.

Cromwell’s invasion is remembered in Ireland as a symbol of English conquest and sectarian violence. While some historians argue his actions are within contemporary military norms, many see them as part of a broader pattern of colonial subjugation. The detailed land surveys he orders—mapping every parish and barony—become a tool for land redistribution, shaping Ireland’s political and economic structure for centuries.

In short, August 13, 1649, is the start of a campaign that not only ends Irish Catholic political power but also alters the island’s demographic and cultural fabric for generations.


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The Ursuline Convent Riots in Massachusetts

Shortly after midnight on August 12, 1834, a Protestant mob attacks and burns the Ursuline Convent School in Charlestown, Massachusetts (now part of Somerville), an act that becomes a flashpoint in the region’s anti-Catholic tensions.

The Ursuline Convent, founded in 1820 by Bishop Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus, is a Catholic school for girls established to educate the poor. It is built on a 24-acre estate with brick structures, gardens, and a chapel, attracting both Catholic and Protestant students. By the early 1830s, about 50–60 Protestant girls from wealthy families attend, alongside Catholic students.

Rev. Lyman Beecher helps to incite the mob hours earlier, giving three anti-Catholic diatribes at three different churches in Boston. Beecher, whose children include educator Catharine and abolitionist and author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Harriet Beecher Stowe, later expresses regret over the arson but, as is often the case, violent speech leads to violent action.

The riots are sparked by rumors and gossip about a nun, Elizabeth Harrison (Sister Mary St. John), who had left the convent for 24 hours on July 28 to visit a student’s family and then returned. Her decision to leave and return is framed by anti-Catholic sympathizers as evidence of instability or even “insanity,” feeding existing prejudices. These rumors are amplified by the “Know Nothing” nativist movement, which is gaining traction in Massachusetts.

In the early morning hours of August 12, 1834, a Protestant mob—largely poor Yankee laborers hostile to Irish Catholic immigrants—sack the convent. The nuns and their students flee for their lives, and the convent is set ablaze. The destruction is swift and complete, leaving only the ruins.

The burning reflects deep-seated anti-Catholic sentiment in New England, rooted in colonial-era restrictions on Catholic worship and reinforced by Irish immigration and Protestant revivalism. It foreshadows the more violent nativist uprisings of the 1850s, such as the Know Nothing Party’s later attacks on Catholic institutions.

Those arrested for the outrage are quickly found not guilty and become heroes in Boston. After failed attempts to get the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to pay for the damages, and amid threats of further violence, the nuns eventually move to Canada, driven from the country by bigotry and hate.

The convent is never rebuilt, and the event becomes a symbol of sectarian violence. Survivors and the community face legal and social challenges, and the incident is widely reported in newspapers, fueling further anti-Catholic rhetoric.

In short, the 1834 Charlestown convent burning is both a localized mob attack and a harbinger of the intense anti-Catholic nativism that defines much of antebellum America.


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Liam Lynch & the Anti-Treaty IRA Abandon Fermoy

On August 11, 1922, Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA), abandons Fermoy — the last major republican-held town in County Cork — as the Free State forces advance. This marks a significant turning point in the Irish Civil War, symbolizing the collapse of the IRA’s last strongholds in County Cork.

By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.

Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.

Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.

Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.

In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch, shortly before the start of the Civil War. Photo © RTE Photographic Archive)


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The Hanging of IRA members Reginald Dunne & Joseph O’Sullivan

Reginald Dunne and Joseph O’Sullivan, members of the London Battalion of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), are hanged at Wandsworth Prison on August 10, 1922, for the assassination of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on June 22, 1922.

Wilson, a senior British Army officer and military advisor to the Belfast Government (Stormont), is shot dead on the steps of his Eaton Square home in London as he returns from an unveiling ceremony at Liverpool Street station. Dunne and O’Sullivan, both former British Army soldiers, have joined the London IRA and are active in the anti-Treaty republican movement. O’Sullivan lost a leg at Ypres, Belgium, in 1917, while Dunne served in the Irish Guards during World War I.

The killing is widely seen as a political act, with Dunne and O’Sullivan claiming to have acted in defence of Irish nationalist principles, blaming Wilson for the “Orange Terror” and the deployment of the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). Some historians suggest the assassination may have been intended to pressure Michael Collins to attack the Four Courts garrison, though no conclusive evidence of orders was ever established.

After the shooting, Dunne escapes but O’Sullivan is captured by a hostile crowd. Dunne attempts to rescue him but is himself arrested after wounding two police officers and a passerby. Both are tried quickly, found guilty after just three minutes of deliberation, and sentenced to death by Justice Montague Shearman.

Despite petitions from 45,000 people and appeals from figures like George Bernard Shaw, both men are executed on August 10, 1922, and buried within the prison grounds.

The executions are a major political flashpoint. It is only after the abolition of hanging that the law is changed and Joseph’s brother, with the assistance of the Irish National Graves Association, is able to arrange for the bodies of the two men to be repatriated to Ireland.

In 1967, the British government allows the bodies of Dunne and O’Sullivan to be exhumed and returned to Ireland. Former comrades accompany the bodies from England to Dublin Airport, where they place an Irish tricolour flag on Dunne’s coffin. This is the same flag that Dunne had placed on the coffin of Terence MacSwiney at Euston railway station when his body was returned to Cork in 1920.

Graveside orations are held in Dublin, attended by former comrades, Michael Collins’s associates, and representatives of Éamon de Valera, the president of Ireland. The bodies are reinterred in Dean’s Grange Cemetery outside Dublin in 1967.

Dunne’s trial speech, reprinted in the Irish Independent, remains a notable piece of republican political rhetoric, framing the act as a necessary stand for Irish rights.

(Pictured: Joseph O’Sullivan (left) and Reginald Dunne (right))