In the early morning of August 5, 1922, during the Irish Civil War, around 200 anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteers are mobilised around Dublin. Their mission is to isolate the city by destroying all bridges and road crossings leading into it, cutting off Free State forces and supplies.
The anti-Treaty IRA, opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the newly established Irish Free State, aim to dismantle the stone bridges over Dublin’s rivers and canal, lay explosives on road and railway bridges, dig trenches in roads to block movement and scout the surrounding countryside for Free State troops.
They are organised in groups of 5–40, some armed with handguns and grenades, others with explosives and tools like spades and picks. Parties are sighted in the hills south of the city (from Kilakee to Roundwood) and across villages north of Dublin (from Raheny to Blanchardstown).
The Free State’s intelligence service intercepts the plan when Liam Clarke, a captured anti-Treaty officer, reveals the details to Free State Intelligence officers. This intelligence allows the Free State to anticipate and counter the operation.
On August 6, Free State forces move quickly to intercept the IRA. They capture 31 anti-Treaty irregulars at Glencullen Bridge (pictured) and later take 104 fighters in County Dublin, including officer Pat Sweeney. These actions cripple the remnants of the anti-Treaty IRA in Dublin and prevent the city from being isolated.
The “Bridges Job” is a major anti-Treaty attempt to cut off Dublin during the Irish Civil War. Its failure marks a turning point, as Free State forces can now move freely into the city, accelerating the end of the conventional phase of the conflict.
Burke is born into an influential Drogheda family, the Burkes of Duleek Street. His father, also named Christopher Patrick Burke, is a gas works secretary, and his mother is Mary McQuillan. The family lives initially on Coola Street before moving to Duleek Street after his father’s death in 1906.
Raised in a well-off household, Burke’s early years are shaped by the nationalist and cultural revival movements of the time, including the Gaelic League, which fosters physical resilience and republican ideals. His family connections, including to fellow revolutionary Thomas Burke, provide him with early exposure to Sinn Féin and Irish Volunteers activities.
Burke operates under the nom de guerre “Seán Jones” (also “Seaghan Mac Seaghan”) and is captured on at least one occasion by British forces, later released in a prisoner exchange.
During the Irish Civil War, Burke undertakes a 23-day hunger strike, reflecting his continued commitment to republican resistance against the Irish Free State.
In 1932, Burke is brought to court by his older brother, Michael, after assaulting him in the family home on Duleek Street, Drogheda. The house had been left to Michael in the will of their aunt Jane McQuillan, who died in 1919, leaving the premises to him, but requiring his mother and two sisters, Mary “Maise” and Christina Mary “Tena”, to be supported there. However, Burke insists on living there, along with his brother Joseph, leading to a family dispute. The Justice rules that the will gives Michael Burke the ownership of the house and the tenants subject to the charges set out in it. He fines Burke five shillings.
After this, Burke goes into the dairy business with his brother Joseph, and builds a house on the family farm in Bryanstown, County Meath. He dies from coronary occlusion at the age of 65 in his home on June 23, 1964. His sister, Christina Mary “Tena” Burke is present at his death. His requiem mass is celebrated at St. Mary’s Church in Drogheda. His republican comrades attend the funeral, and the Mayor of Drogheda and members of the Drogheda Corporation walk in the cortége wearing their robes of office.
Burke’s contributions to the IRA’s armament production and his steadfast republican stance cements his place in Irish revolutionary history. His life bridges the technical skills of a craftsman with the political resolve of a nationalist leader, making him a notable figure in the struggle for Irish independence.
On the morning of August 3, his body is discovered in a field at Maher’s farm, close to Jamestown Road in Finglas. He had been shot dead. The exact details of his capture and killing are later ordered to be destroyed in 1932 by the Pro-Treaty government.
McEntee is buried in the Republican Plot at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin. A National Graves Association memorial plaque is placed there around 1932 and is maintained by the Fianna Sluagh in Finglas during the 1950s–60s. In 2023, his family and community commemorate the centenary of his death, remembering him as a skilled carpenter, devoted father, and soldier of the Irish Citizen Army.
In summary, Henry McEntee’s abduction and murder in August 1923 are part of the violent post-war repression of anti-Treaty IRA members, and his case remains a poignant example of the personal toll of Ireland’s Civil War.
By mid-July 1922, the Free State has re-taken counties Limerick and Waterford, but the IRA still controls counties Cork and Kerry, as well as much of the west under Liam Lynch’s command. A purely land-based advance into these areas risks long, attritional battles. Dalton’s plan is to create a second front by landing troops along the County Kerry and County Cork coasts, isolating republican strongholds like Tralee.
The SS Lady Wicklow carries 450 soldiers of the Dublin Guardbrigade under Paddy Daly, along with a field gun and an armoured car nicknamed the Ex-Mutineer. The Dublin Guards are considered the most disciplined and politically reliable unit in the Army, and Daly is one of Michael Collins’ trusted lieutenants. The landing is intended to secure Fenit as a base for an amphibious assault on Tralee, a key republican stronghold.
The surprise attack catches the IRA forces off guard, taking their left flank in the rear. The Free State quickly advances, and by the following days, much of County Kerry is freed from republican control. The operation is part of a broader offensive that culminates in the capture of Tralee on August 2, one of the bloodiest single days of combat for the National Army.
While the initial landings are successful, the IRA mounts counterattacks over August and September, regaining some ground. However, the Free State’s superior resources, better equipment, and lack of popular support for the republicans allows them to consolidate control in County Kerry over time. The Fenit landing is a turning point, shifting the momentum in favour of the Free State and contributing to the eventual republican defeat in the Irish Civil War.
In summary, the August 2, 1922, naval landing at Fenit is a bold, surprise amphibious operation that disrupts republican defenses, opens County Kerry to Free State advance, and alters the course of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Free State troops landing at Fenit, County Kerry, on August 2, 1922)
Mac Murchada has ruled Leinster since 1126 and is a powerful and ambitious king. He is an ally of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, High King of Ireland, but their alliance is strained by rivalries and political maneuvering. In 1166, Mac Lochlainn’s own position is weakened after his subjects rebel and kill him, and Mac Murchada is next in Ua Conchobair’s line of succession.
Ua Conchobair, now High King, turns his attention to eliminating rivals. On August 1, 1166, Mac Murchada is defeated in open battle and forced to flee Ireland. His expulsion is a critical turning point as it strips him of his kingdom and leaves him without a base to rule.
Mac Murchada returns to Ireland in 1167 with an advance party of Anglo-Normans. In 1170, Strongbow arrives with a larger force, and together they capture Dublin. Mac Murchada marries his daughter, Aoife (Eva), to Strongbow, and upon his death in 1171, Strongbow succeeds as ruler of Leinster.
Mac Murchada’s defeat and subsequent alliance with the Normans initiates the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland, a process that leads to centuries of English political and military involvement in the country. His actions are remembered as a pivotal moment in Irish history, with complex legacies — seen by some as a desperate ruler trying to restore his throne, and by others as a traitor who opens the door to foreign domination.
In summary, August 1, 1166, is the day Diarmait Mac Murchada is overthrown by Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, leading to his exile and ultimately setting in motion the Norman conquest of Ireland.
The 3rd Tipperary Brigade is one of the most active IRA units in mid-Munster, operating mainly in southern County Tipperary and parts of County Limerick. It is known for its mobility and effectiveness in ambush tactics. Dinny Lacey, as a senior commander, is instrumental in planning and executing these operations.
While the exact details of the July 31 operations are not fully documented in the provided sources, the date falls within a period of intense IRA activity in the region. In July 1920, the IRA has already conducted several notable actions in County Tipperary, including the Newtown Cross Ambush on July 2, 1920, in which Sergeant Robert Tobin is killed and Constable Brady is wounded, and the Dingle Ambush on July 13, 1920, in which two Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) men are killed.
These earlier incidents show that IRA forces in southern County Tipperary are actively targeting RIC patrols and outposts, and the July 31 ambushes are likely part of a similar pattern of harassment and disruption.
Successful ambushes like these weaken British control in rural County Tipperary, disrupt police and military operations, demonstrate the IRA’s ability to strike quickly and effectively in difficult terrain and contribute to the overall IRA strategy of attrition and intimidation.
The brigade continues to operate under Lacey’s leadership until his death in 1923 during the Irish Civil War. His tactics in 1920 help establish the 3rd Tipperary Brigade as a key player in the IRA’s campaign in the south.
In summary, on July 31, 1920, Dinny Lacey’s IRA unit in southern County Tipperary executes two successful ambushes, continuing a series of targeted attacks that are central to the IRA’s guerrilla campaign against British forces in the region.
Prime Minister of the United KingdomArthur Wellesley and Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel, who had previously opposed Catholic participation in Parliament, fear that denying O’Connell his seat will provoke outrage and potentially another rebellion in Ireland — a country then about 85% Catholic. This political pressure directly leads to the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, which allows Catholics to become MPs, and the Parliamentary Elections (Ireland) Act 1829, which raises the property qualification for voting from £2 to £10.
With the new law in place, O’Connell stands again. The by‑election is unopposed, meaning he is returned without contest. This is significant because the higher property qualification could have disenfranchised many tenant farmers, but in Clare, O’Connell is the only candidate.
In summary, the July 30, 1829, Clare by‑election is a symbolic victory for Catholic emancipation, marking the first time a Catholic MP is elected under the new laws, and cementing O’Connell’s role as “The Liberator” of Irish political rights.
Tom Dunphy, the charismatic lead vocalist of the Royal Showband and later the bassist of the Big 8, dies on July 29, 1975, in a tragic road accident.
Dunphy is traveling in a Ford Granada on the Longford side of Carrick-on-Shannon, County Leitrim, when his car skids on a wet surface while rounding a bend. It collides with an oncoming cement lorry. The crash occurs about five miles from Drumsna, near Annaduff, where he is en route to meet fellow band members for the Mary from Dungloe Festival in County Donegal. Band member Noel Ryan, who is a passenger in the car, escapes with little more than a concussion.
The Royal Showband, formed in 1957, is one of Ireland’s most popular showbands in the 1960s, known for large-scale dance events with audiences often exceeding 2,000. Dunphy sings lead on their hit “Come Down the Mountain, Katie Daly.” In 1971, he and Brendan Bowyer leave the Royal Showband to form the Big 8, a successful showband supergroup.
The accident cuts short a promising career and leaves a void in the Irish music scene. In 1978, a memorial site is erected near the crash location in Annaduff, maintained by local volunteers. Annual tributes have been held, including a Mass at St. Mary’s Church and musical events in Drumshanbo, often attended by family, fellow musicians, and fans from across Ireland and abroad.
Dunphy is remembered for his “sincere wit, charm and personality” that endears him to dancing enthusiasts nationwide. He performs alongside international stars such as Elvis Presley, Tom Jones, the Beatles, and Cliff Richard. His death marks the symbolic end of the showband era in Ireland.
Today, Dunphy’s life and career are commemorated in counties Waterford and Leitrim, with ongoing efforts to preserve his memory through plaques, events, and archival work.
Brennan is the second of two children to Patrick Brennan of the Catholic parish of Beauparc and Catherine Brennan (née Rourke). Little is recorded of his early education, but he develops a reputation as an intelligent and articulate public speaker. At age 18, he begins working as a clerk at Murtagh Bros., a Dublin-based bakery, alongside his uncle James Rourke. Through his connections with Patrick Egan, he and his uncle join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and become active in election campaigns and nationalist organizing.
By 1877–1878, Brennan has become the civil secretary of the Leinster IRB and honorary secretary of the Dublin Mechanics Institute. In 1879, he plays an instrumental role in establishing the Land League of Mayo, acting alongside Michael Davitt and Patrick Egan. When the Irish National Land League is formally founded in October 1879, Brennan is appointed assistant secretary, effectively helping manage the League’s operations and campaigns for tenant farmers.
Brennan is known for his eloquence at public rallies, often linking land agitation to Irish nationalist objectives and espousing radical, egalitarian ideas. During the Land League’s activities, he faces trial for encouraging non-payment of rent but is not convicted. He later takes on the duties of national secretary after Davitt’s arrest and authorizes the issuance of the “No Rent Manifesto” from Kilmainham Gaol in 1881, a pivotal document in Ireland’s land struggle.
Following internal shifts in Irish nationalist politics and limitations placed on his influence by Charles Stewart Parnell, Brennan emigrates to the United States. He works for Patrick Ford’s Irish World newspaper in New York City, critiquing aspects of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and emphasizing non-violent republican principles. By 1883, he settles in Omaha, Nebraska, partnering with Patrick Egan in the Omaha Mortgage Company, specializing in real estate, investment, and insurance. He becomes a respected businessman and seeks to maintain connections with the Irish American nationalist community.
Brennan never marries and eventually dedicates himself to business in Omaha. He passes away on December 19, 1912, in Omaha, Nebraska, having left a lasting impact on Irish land reform efforts and the nationalist movement. He is buried in Holy Sepulchre Cemetery in Omaha.
Brennan is remembered as a founder and key administrator of the Irish National Land League, a signatory of the “No Rent Manifesto,” and a prominent voice in the Irish republican movement. His advocacy helps shape the course of land reform in Ireland and fosters Irish nationalist sentiment both domestically and among the diaspora.
Sources confirm that his activism, speeches, and organizational skill were central to the Land League’s influence, and he remains a notable figure in 19th-century Irish political history.
Molly Malone’s baptism is often cited as having taken place on July 27, 1669, although it is part of a later legend rather than a confirmed historical fact. The story goes that a woman named Molly Malone, a fishmonger in Dublin, is baptized at St. Werburgh’s Church and later dies young of a fever. This narrative becomes part of the folklore surrounding the song Cockles and Mussels, which celebrates her as a street fishwife.
The legend goes that the baptism date and the claim that Molly Malone is a real 17th‑century figure were popularized in the late 20th century, especially during the Dublin Millennium celebrations in 1988. At that time, the Dublin Millennium Commission endorsed a claim that a Mary Malone had been baptized on July 27, 1669, and buried on June 13, 1699, in St. John’s Graveyard. This led to June 13 being declared Molly Malone Day.
However, no verifiable evidence links these baptism and burial records to the Molly Malone of the song. The name “Molly” is a common diminutive for Mary or Margaret, and many such women lived in Dublin over the centuries. The baptism record in question (Mary Malone, baptized July 27, 1669) and the burial record (Mary Malone, died June 13, 1699) are published in church registers, but there is no proof these refer to the same person as the ballad’s heroine.
The ballad “Cockles and Mussels” (also called “In Dublin’s Fair City”) is written in the late 19th century by James Yorkston of Edinburgh, Scotland. It is a fictional tale of a fishwife who sells cockles and mussels and dies young. While the song may have been inspired by older street ballads, it is not based on a confirmed historical Molly Malone.
Despite the lack of solid historical proof, the legend has become a symbol of Dublin. A bronze statue of Molly Malone, “The Tart with the Cart,” (pictured above) stands on Suffolk Street, commemorating her as a cultural icon. The story continues to be celebrated in song, pub culture, and local tradition.
In short, July 27, 1669, is part of the folklore of Molly Malone’s baptism, but it is not confirmed by reliable historical records. The figure remains a fictionalized symbol of Dublin’s street life, immortalized in song and statue.