seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA


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Founding of the Irish Reform Association

Windham Thomas Wyndham-Quin, 4th Earl of Dunraven and Mount-Earl, an Anglo-Irish Conservative politician, journalist, and landowner, founds the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904. This initiative is part of his broader political engagement in Ireland during a period of significant constitutional and social change.

The Irish Reform Association is established in the early 20th century, a time when Ireland is under British rule and political reform movements are gaining momentum. Lord Dunraven, known for his role in the 1902 Land Conference and his advocacy for Irish interests, seeks to promote reformist policies that will address land tenure, political representation, and constitutional rights for Ireland.

The association aims to support legislative reforms benefiting Irish tenants and landowners, encourage greater political participation and representation for Irish voices in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and counterbalance more radical nationalist or unionist positions with a moderate, reformist platform.

Lord Dunraven has a long career in British politics, serving as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies under Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, in the 1880s and later as a Senator of the Irish Free State from 1922 to 1926. His background as a journalist, soldier, and sportsman give him a broad public profile, and his formation of the Irish Reform Association reflects his interest in bridging political divides and advancing pragmatic reform.

While the Irish Reform Association does not achieve the same long-term prominence as other reform movements, its creation marks Lord Dunraven’s active role in shaping Irish political discourse at a critical juncture. It aligns with his broader efforts to influence Irish policy through both legislative engagement and public advocacy.

In summary, the founding of the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904, is a deliberate political move by Lord Dunraven to advance reformist causes in Ireland, reflecting his commitment to balanced, constructive change within the constitutional framework of the time.


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March Marks First Major Civil Rights Demonstration in Northern Ireland

A nonviolent three‑mile march takes place in County Tyrone on August 24, 1968, marking the first major civil rights demonstration in Northern Ireland. Organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and supported by the Campaign for Social Justice, the march begins in Coalisland and ends in Dungannon.

The protest is a direct response to the Caledon Protest just two months earlier, when Member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland Austin Currie “squats” in a house allocated by the Dungannon Rural District Council to a single, childless Protestant woman employed by a Unionist politician. The house has been given ahead of older married Catholic families with children, highlighting systemic housing discrimination. NICRA’s broader goals include ending gerrymandering, securing a universal franchise, and repealing discriminatory laws.

Around 2,000 people participate in the march, including men, women, and children, carrying banners and holding signs. The march is modeled on civil rights marches in the United States, using nonviolent direct action such as marches and sit‑ins. The atmosphere is initially described as a “holiday” by some participants, with a festive mood until police intervention.

As the march approaches Dungannon’s Market Square, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) orders a ban on entry and a meeting there. Behind the RUC line are 1,500 loyalists armed with cudgels and staves. The anti-civil rights countermarch has been organized by the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) with the help of the Rev. Ian Paisley. Confronted with this massive force, the civil rights marchers merely sit down and listen to a number of speeches, while Paisley and his followers sing sectarian songs and shout abuse from behind the RUC barricades. Police separate the two groups, preventing direct confrontation. On this day, the civil rights marchers escape harm but very soon all that would change.

Paisley rapidly makes a name for himself among hard-line loyalist groups. He later helps form a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA). In the near future, his followers use their cudgels and staves in the streets of the six counties in an attempt to physically beat back the rising tide of the civil rights movement. The cycle of violence in the six counties rapidly spins out of control, and Paisley is one of the individuals driving the surge of violence.

While the march is peaceful and well‑attended, it does not immediately lead to policy changes. It, however, is a pivotal moment in the Northern Ireland civil rights movement, raising national attention to housing discrimination and galvanising further protests, including a later demonstration at Derry Guildhall.

This event is remembered as a symbol of early, nonviolent resistance in Northern Ireland’s struggle for civil and political equality.

(Pictured: The first civil rights procession from Coalisland to Dungannon on August 24, 1968. Photo credit: Belfast Telegraph)


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Death of John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel

John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel, an Anglo-Irish politician and peer, dies on August 23, 1828.

Foster is born in 1740, the son of Anthony Foster, of Dunleer, County Louth, Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer, and Elizabeth Burgh, and inherits Collon House in County Louth, which he greatly improves.

Foster serves as Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland three times — in 1784–1785, 1804–1806, and 1807–1811 — and is the last Speaker of the Irish House of Commons from 1785 until the Acts of Union 1800. He is a prominent figure in Irish politics, representing County Louth for most of his career, and is known for his opposition to the Union, which he sees as politically and personally damaging.

After the Union, in 1801 Foster is returned to the new United Kingdom parliament as a member for County Louth and serves until 1821, when he is created 1st Baron Oriel of Ferrard, County Louth, in the peerage of the United Kingdom. He also holds the title of Privy Councillor (Ireland) in 1799 and later Privy Councillor (UK) in 1786.

Foster marries Margaretta Amelia Burgh in 1764. They have several children, including Thomas Henry Skeffington, 2nd Viscount Ferrard, and Anne Dorothea Foster.

Foster’s tenure as Chancellor of the Exchequer and Speaker is marked by significant financial legislation, including measures that transform Ireland’s agricultural economy by promoting arable farming over pasture. His refusal to surrender the Speaker’s mace after the Union becomes a symbolic act of resistance.

Foster dies on August 23, 1828, leaving behind a legacy as one of the most influential Anglo-Irish statesmen of his era.

(Pictured: The Right Honorable John Foster by Gilbert Stuart, c. 1790-1791 – Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art)


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Birth of French General Jean Joseph Amable Humbert

General Jean Joseph Amable Humbert, a French soldier and participant in the French Revolution, and who leads a failed invasion of Ireland to assist Irish rebels in the Irish Rebellion of 1798, is born on August 22, 1767, in the townland of La Coâre Saint-Nabord, outside Remiremont in the Vosges department of northeastern France.

Humbert is the eldest of six children of Jean-Joseph Humbert, a farmer and trader, and Catherine (née Privat), who dies when he is three years old. From a modest rural background, he works briefly as a hatter and rabbit hunter before entering the military in July 1789 amid the early stages of the French Revolution.

Humbert joins the National Guard of Lyon and quickly advances, serving in the 13th Battalion of Volunteers of the Vosges. By 1792, he is promoted to captain, then lieutenant-colonel. His combat record includes service under General Lazare Hoche in the Army of the Rhine and Moselle, where he gains a reputation for bravery and guerrilla tactics.

In 1796, Humbert is assigned to prepare for an expedition to Ireland. In the ill-fated Expédition d’Irlande, his ship Droits de l’Homme is wrecked off the Bay of Audierne in January 1797, but he survives. In 1798, he leads about 1,000 French troops to Ireland, landing at Killala. His forces fight and win at Ballina and the Races of Castlebar, proclaiming a Republic of Connacht before being defeated and captured at the Battle of Ballinamuck. He is exchanged for British prisoners.

Humbert continues to serve in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic armies, participating in the Swiss campaigns, the Saint-Domingue expedition, and the Argentine War of Independence. He also engages in filibustering ventures against Spanish holdings in Texas, Mexico, and Buenos Aires.

In 1810, Humbert emigrates to New Orleans, where he becomes acquainted with French pirate Jean Lafitte. He joins the Buenos Aires rebellion in 1814 before returning home. In 1815, he fights the British at the Battle of New Orleans in the War of 1812, earning thanks from General Andrew Jackson. He later lives as a schoolteacher in New Orleans until his death on January 3, 1823.

Humbert’s career spans revolutionary France, Napoleonic campaigns, and post-Napoleonic adventures, making him a notable figure in late 18th- and early 19th-century military history.


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Google Announces Construction of Second Data Centre in West Dublin

On August 21, 2015, Google announces a major investment of €150 million to build a new two‑story data centre alongside its existing facility at Profile Park, Grangecastle, West Dublin. This marks Google’s second major data centre investment in Ireland and is part of its ongoing expansion of cloud computing infrastructure.

The new facility is designed to support Google’s global fleet of cloud computing facilities, with a focus on building the world’s most energy‑efficient computing network. The expansion is completed in phases, with the groundbreaking in 2018 for the €150 million project, which takes about 16 months to build.

Google’s economic and employment impact includes over €750 million in capital assets in Ireland since 2003, with the new centre adding to that total. At peak construction, the project creates around 400 jobs; by completion, Google’s Irish operations employ 6,000 people (direct and contracted). A 2018 Copenhagen Economics report estimates the Irish data centre operations supports 4,900 jobs and contributes €400 million to Ireland’s gross domestic product (GDP) between 2011 and 2017.

Taoiseach Enda Kenny describes the opening as “a new chapter” in Google’s story in Ireland, noting the company’s role as a leader in the country’s digital community. Minister Mary Mitchell O’Connor welcomes the investment as proof of Ireland’s competitive advantage for high‑tech companies and its skilled workforce. Ministers Heather Humphreys and Pat Breen call it a “vote of confidence” in Ireland’s business environment and a testament to the country’s technical expertise and infrastructure.

The Grange Castle site becomes a key hub for Google’s EMEA (Europe, the Middle East and Africa) operations, with engineering teams in Dublin central to the company’s global efficiency goals. The investment reinforces Ireland’s position as a major European data centre location, benefiting not only Google but also the broader Irish tech and business ecosystem.

In summary, the August 2015 announcement is the start of a significant infrastructure and employment boost for Ireland, with the completed €150 million expansion solidifying Google’s long‑term commitment to the country’s digital economy.


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Birth of Kathleen Goodfellow, Writer, Poet & Translator

Kathleen Goodfellow, Irish writer, poet, and translator known for her literary works, nationalist sympathies, and patronage of the arts, is born in Dublin on August 20, 1891.

Born to George and Susan Goodfellow (née Nicholson), Goodfellow is raised in a Quaker family. Her father and uncle are builders who construct a row of houses on Morehampton Road, Donnybrook, where she lives for the rest of her life. She is educated at Alexandra College and graduates with an Arts degree from Trinity College Dublin (TCD).

Goodfellow joins the Rathmines branch of Cumann na mBan, a women’s republican organization, where she learns first aid, drilling, and signaling. There, she meets artist Estella Solomons, with whom she forms a lifelong friendship. Solomons’ studio later becomes a safe house for republicans during the Irish War of Independence.

Under the pseudonym Michael Scot, Goodfellow publishes Three Tales of the Times in 1921, a work about life in Ireland under the Black and Tans. She also writes poetry and translates French poetry, notably the works of 15th-century poet François Villon, publishing these translations in The Dublin Magazine between 1924 and 1928.

Goodfellow is independently wealthy, inheriting property in Ireland and England after her mother’s death in 1932. She is a generous patron of the arts, supporting The Dublin Magazine, a literary journal owned by her friend Seumas O’Sullivan, to which she contributes articles, poems, and reviews. She also supports children’s charities and serves on the Board of Governors of the Royal Hospital in Donnybrook.

Her philanthropy extends to securing funding for The Dublin Magazine (1926–1958) and gifting a bird sanctuary, The Grove, in Donnybrook to An Taisce. Despite her influence, she remains modest and private about her contributions, and her own photographic collection is destroyed after her death.

In 1939, Goodfellow falls while getting off a tram and breaks her leg badly, which leaves her with a limp. She dies at the aged of 89 on May 20, 1980, and is buried with her parents in Mount Jerome Cemetery in Dublin.

A plaque is erected in memory of Goodfellow’s donation at The Grove, a woodland area at the corner of Morehampton Road and Wellington Place, on October 19, 2022. A plaque commemorating Estella Solomons is placed on the opposite gatepost. Goodfellow’s diaries, poems and literary manuscripts are held in the Trinity College Dublin archives.

Goodfellow’s work and life reflect the intersection of Irish literary culture, nationalist history, and cultural patronage in early-to-mid 20th-century Ireland.


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Death of Johnny Lyons, 98FM Sports Presenter & Editor

Johnny Lyons, the long-time sports presenter and editor at 98FM, is found dead at his Dublin home on the evening of August 19, 2015. The 49‑year‑old broadcaster had been away from work for several weeks recovering from a broken ankle and was expected to return to the air the following week.

Friends become concerned when they cannot reach him, prompting a search of his apartment in Dublin city centre, where his body is discovered. The cause of death is not immediately known, but 98FM confirms he died suddenly and peacefully.

Lyons joins 98FM in 1996 and serves as the station’s Sports Editor for nearly two decades. He is best known for hosting the popular Sunday morning show Now That’s What I Call Sport (9 a.m.–10 a.m.) and also presents Premier League Live on Today FM. His distinctive voice, passion for soccer, and larger‑than‑life personality make him a familiar and beloved figure in Irish sports broadcasting.

The news of Lyons death shocks colleagues and fans across the media and sporting worlds. 98FM’s management describes him as “the backbone of our sports team” and “a great friend.” The Football Association of Ireland (FAI) praises him as “a great football man who really understood the game” and plans to pay tribute at Dublin’s Aviva Stadium during the following month’s match against Georgia. Tributes pour in from fellow broadcasters, politicians, and sports figures, with some calling him “the unmistakable voice of sport in Dublin.”

Lyons’s funeral is held at the Church of St. Therese, Mount Merrion, Dublin, followed by burial at Shanganagh Cemetery in Shankill, County Dublin. The station and FAI both announce on‑air tributes in his memory. His sudden passing leaves a significant gap in Irish sports radio, and his legacy as a passionate, knowledgeable, and charismatic sports voice will be remembered by many.


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John Redmond’s Speech at the Irish National Convention in Chicago

Delivered at the Irish National Convention in Chicago on August 18, 1886, John E. Redmond’s address is a defining moment in his political career and in the broader Irish nationalist movement. The convention, organized by the Irish National League of America, brings together Irish Americans to rally support for Irish self-government and to affirm their loyalty to the United States while maintaining ties to Ireland.

The key themes of Redmond’s speech include:

Irish Americans’ Commitment to Ireland: Redmond emphasizes that regardless of their economic status—soldier, businessman, or laborer—Irish Americans have never forgotten their homeland. He notes that even in prosperity, they set aside time to “tell her story” and work toward Ireland’s “redemption.”

The Principle of the Irish Movement: Redmond frames the Irish struggle as rooted in the principle of rebellion against the rule of strangers, a principle upheld for centuries by figures like Owen Roe O’Neill, Thomas Emmet, and Robert Emmet. He stresses that this is not “race hatred” but a call for justice for the future, not revenge for past wrongs.

Brotherhood of Nations: Despite the bitterness of past injustices, Redmond affirms belief in the brotherhood of nations. He argues that the Irish movement’s core is not hatred of England, but a demand for fair treatment and self-determination.

The Role of the Convention: Standing as “ambassadors sent here to represent the Irish nation at home,” Redmond calls the convention a “supreme honour” and a vital link between Ireland and its diaspora. He urges Americans to recognize the Irish people’s enduring connection to their heritage and to support their cause.

The 1886 convention is part of a wave of Irish American activism during the Home Rule movement. Redmond, then a rising figure in Irish politics, is positioning himself as a unifying voice for both Irish Americans and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). His speech helps solidify his reputation as a skilled orator and a moderate yet principled leader.

Lord Russell of Killowen later cites this speech as evidence that the Irish Parliamentary Party is not aligned with the more radical physical force movement, highlighting its emphasis on justice and unity over sectarianism. The address remains a key example of Redmond’s ability to balance nationalist sentiment with appeals to shared human values.


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Whigs Adopt Non-Interference Policy with Food Markets During Famine

On August 17, 1846, Lord John Russell’s Whig administration formally adopts a policy of non-interference with internal and export markets for food in Ireland during the Great Famine. This decision reflects the prevailing laissez-faire economic philosophy of the time, which holds that markets should operate freely without government intervention.

The Great Famine devastates the 1845 potato harvest, and by 1846 the blight returns with greater severity, destroying the autumn crop. Many Irish peasants have no money to buy imported grain, meat, or dairy, which are being exported to Britain under the Corn Laws. While the repeal of these laws in 1846 lowers grain prices, it does little to help Ireland because of the lack of purchasing power.

Russell’s government, influenced by figures like Charles Trevelyan, believes that internal markets (local food supply) should be left to private merchants, who are often reluctant to import food for Ireland; export markets for Irish grain should not be restricted, as the Whigs see no need to interfere with trade; government relief should focus on employment schemes (e.g., road and canal building) to give people income to buy food, rather than direct food distribution.

Relief depots are opened only in areas of greatest need, such as West Cork, Kerry, and Donegal, where local merchants are few. Imported maize is distributed in these limited areas, but most of Ireland remains without direct food aid. Work schemes are introduced, but wages are low (8–10 pence per day) and often delayed, making them insufficient for survival.

This policy means that Ireland’s food crisis worsens as exports continue and local shortages deepen, causing many people to starve despite the availability of food in Ireland. The government’s role is minimal, focusing on indirect measures rather than direct relief.

In short, the August 17, 1846 decision marks a shift from Robert Peel’s limited relief efforts to a hands-off approach, prioritizing free markets over direct intervention, which critics argue prolonged the famine’s suffering.

(Pictured: Photograph of John Russell, by Edwin Mayal, 1861. Source: The National Portrait Gallery)