seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA


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Death of Anne Devlin, Renowned Irish Republican

Anne Devlin, an Irish republican renowned for her unwavering loyalty to Robert Emmet during the 1803 rebellion, enduring torture and imprisonment for her refusal to betray her comrades, dies in Dublin on September 18, 1851.

Devlin is born in 1780 in Cronebeg, near Aughrim, County Wicklow, the second of four daughters and three sons of Bryan and Winifred (née Byrne) Devlin, who are Catholics engaged in farming. Her father and several relatives are members of the Society of United Irishmen, advocating for Irish independence. Though she and her immediate family do not initially participate in the Irish Rebellion of 1798, they provide shelter and assistance to rebels, and their home is destroyed by Crown forces, while her father is imprisoned until 1801.

After the family moves to Rathfarnham, Dublin, Devln becomes the housekeeper for Robert Emmet in April 1803, providing cover for his Dublin operations planning a nationalist uprising. She actively aids the United Irishmen by arranging meetings, transporting arms, and acting as a messenger to insurgent forces, notably her cousin Michael Dwyer in the Wicklow Mountains. The rebellion carefully orchestrated for July 23, 1803, collapses due to inadequate popular support and confusion among the rebels.

Following the failed uprising, Devlin and her family are arrested. She endures brutal interrogation by Major Henry Charles Sirr and is subjected to half-hanging, solitary confinement, and threats against her family, yet she refuses to reveal any critical information about Emmet or other conspirators. She spends over two years in Kilmainham Gaol and, despite her endurance, her health is permanently affected. She is released in 1806 after sustained lobbying and public outrage over her mistreatment.

After her release, Devlin works as a maid and laundress, initially assisted by the Emmet family and their acquaintances. She marries William Campbell in 1811, though she experiences increasing poverty after his death in 1845. She continues to be remembered for her courage, and her experiences are recorded by historians and contemporaries such as Dr. Richard Robert Madden and Brother Luke Cullen, preserving her memoirs and accounts of her revolutionary involvement.

Devlin dies on September 18, 1851, in Dublin and is interred at Glasnevin Cemetery, later commemorated with a monument and Celtic cross.

Devlin is widely celebrated as Ireland’s first female political prisoner and a symbol of loyalty and courage. A statue in Rathfarnham, annual memorial services in Dublin’s St. Catherine’s Church, and the naming of community centers in her honor (e.g., Anne Devlin Community Centre, 2026) reflect her enduring impact. Her life has inspired literature and film, including Pat Murphy‘s 1984 movie Anne Devlin, which portrays her perspective during the Emmet rebellion. She is credited in James Joyce’s short story “A Mother” as a model for the character Mrs. Kearney.

Anne Devlin’s life embodies courage, steadfast nationalism, and sacrifice. She actively supports Robert Emmet and the United Irishmen, suffers imprisonment without betrayal, and faces lifelong hardship, yet remains commemorated as a heroine of Irish independence.

(Pictured: Anne Devlin statue in Rathfarnham, Dublin)


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Irish Battalion of St. Patrick Fights Piedmontese Force at Spoleto

On September 17, 1860, units of the Irish Battalion of St. Patrick of the Papal army, commanded by Captain Myles O’Reilly from County Louth, fights a Piedmontese force under General Brignone at Spoleto, Italy.

By 1860, the Papal States are under threat from King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont and Giuseppe Garibaldi’s “Redshirts” during the Wars of Italian Unification. Pope Pius IX has called for Catholic volunteers from Europe, and within weeks over 1,000 Irishmen have enlisted, forming the Irish Battalion. They are poorly equipped and inexperienced, but their morale is high.

The Irish are stationed at Spoleto, a walled city south of Florence with the fortress of Rocca on a hill. On September 16, Brignone’s forces arrive and demand surrender. O’Reilly refuses, and on the following day the Piedmontese launch an assault.

The Irish are tasked with defending the North Wall and the Gate House of the Castle Albornozian. The attackers endure prolonged artillery fire from the fortress walls. When the famed Bersaglieri advance, they are met with a withering musket and rifle fire from the Irish, halting the attack. The Irish hold their ground for fourteen hours under constant bombardment.

Despite their resistance, the bishop of Spoleto, alarmed by the destruction and loss of life, arranges a ceasefire. O’Reilly, nearly out of ammunition, sends a Papal representative to Brignone. Terms are agreed: the Irish can march out as prisoners, with officers retaining their swords.

Brignone praises O’Reilly as “both honourable and brave.” Each officer and enlisted man receives a Medaglia di Pro Petri Sede (“Medal for the Seat of Saint Peter”), and all are declared “meritorious of the Catholic Church, the Holy See and all human society.”

The battle is part of the short 1860 war in which the Papal army, including the Irish Battalion, fight at Ancona, Perugia, Spoleto, and Castelfidardo. Though ultimately defeated, the Irish earn high praise for their courage and discipline.

(Pictured: The Company of Saint Patrick in the Papal Army, 1860)


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British Double Agent John Henry Gooding Offers to Betray His Superior to the IRA

On September 16, 1920, the British double agent John Henry Gooding, operating under the alias F. Digby Hardy, makes a dramatic overture to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Hardy, a habitual criminal with a long record of forgery, fraud, and petty crime, has been recruited by British intelligence to infiltrate the IRA’s intelligence network and capture Michael Collins.

Born in 1868 in Devonport, Plymouth, England, Hardy has a troubled life marked by multiple imprisonments, bigamy, and a career in petty crime. After deserting the Royal Navy in 1888, he adopts the alias “Frank Hall” and lives in Surrey before moving to London. By 1920, he is a known criminal with a five-year fraud sentence in 1918, partially served until his release in 1919.

Hardy approaches IRA intelligence, offering to betray his British superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. The plan is for him to infiltrate the IRA’s network and hand over information on Collins. However, the operation is foiled when Arthur Griffith, a leading Irish republican, intercepts Hardy’s mission.

Griffith arranges a staged meeting in Dublin attended by international journalists. Hardy is confronted and, upon presentation of evidence, confesses his mission and criminal background. The exposure embarrasses British intelligence and draws international attention.

Rather than being executed, Hardy is given until the next morning to leave Ireland. He flees, resuming petty crimes until his death in 1930. The September 16, 1920 incident becomes a notable example of how British intelligence’s reliance on unreliable agents could backfire during the Irish War of Independence.

In summary, on September 16, 1920, F. Digby Hardy (John Henry Gooding) attempts to betray his British handler to the IRA, but is exposed and forced to flee Dublin after being misled by Arthur Griffith into revealing his mission to reporters.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Attacks Free State Troops in Dundalk & Seize Power Station

On September 15, 1922, in the context of the Irish Civil War, the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) launches coordinated attacks on Free State troops in Dundalk, County Louth. These actions are part of a broader campaign by anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State government, which has accepted the Anglo-Irish Treaty and is backed by the pro-Treaty National Army.

The Irish Civil War (June 28, 1922 – May 24, 1923) is fought between Pro-Treaty forces (led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith) who support the Anglo-Irish Treaty, creating the Irish Free State within the British Empire and  Anti-Treaty IRA (led by Éamon de Valera and Liam Lynch) who reject the Treaty, seeing it as a betrayal of the 1919 Irish Republic.

By mid-1922, the Free State controls only Dublin and parts of the east, while anti-Treaty forces hold much of the south and west, including Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, forming the self-styled “Munster Republic.”

On September 15, 1922, Anti-Treaty IRA units in Dundalk attack Free State troops stationed in the area and seize control of the local power station, cutting off the town’s electricity supply.

This is a typical example of anti-Treaty tactics: using sabotage and localized attacks to disrupt Free State operations, weaken their hold on territory, and maintain control over key infrastructure. Such actions are part of a wider pattern of resistance in areas not yet recaptured by the National Army.

While Dundalk is not a major strategic city, the attack reflects the guerrilla and sabotage phase of the Civil War, which follows the Free State’s July–September 1922 offensive that retakes major towns in Munster and the west. The Free State’s victory in that offensive ends the conventional phase, but anti-Treaty forces continue to resist through hit-and-run raids, sabotage, and control of rural areas.

In summary, the Dundalk incident of September 15, 1922, is a localized but symbolic act of anti-Treaty resistance, illustrating the ongoing struggle to control infrastructure and disrupt Free State operations in the months after the decisive military phase of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Dundalk, County Louth, in the early 20th century)


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The Blanket Protest Begins at Maze Prison

The Blanket Protest begins on September 14, 1976, in the H-Blocks of HM Prison Maze (also known as Long Kesh Detention Centre) in Northern Ireland, initiated by Kieran Nugent (pictured), the first republican convicted under the new regime after the British government’s decision to end Special Category Status.

Special Category Status, introduced in 1972 after a 35‑day hunger strike by Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners, grants convicted paramilitary offenders the rights and treatment of prisoners of war — no prison uniforms, no forced labour, and separate accommodation. In March 1976, the British government announces that those convicted after March 1, 1976, will lose this status and be treated as ordinary criminals. They are to be moved from the “Cages” to the newly built H‑Blocks, designed to enforce the policy of criminalisation and to portray republicans as common criminals.

On September 14, 1976, Nugent refuses to wear the prison uniform, instead wrapping himself in a blanket. This act of defiance quickly spreads: other IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners join, refusing to wear uniforms and sometimes going naked. The protest is a peaceful civil disobedience campaign aimed at restoring political prisoner status and rejecting the criminalisation of republicans.

The British authorities enforce uniform compliance through cell confinement and deny association rights. In response, the protest evolves into the “dirty protest” (also called the “no‑wash protest”) in 1978, where prisoners refuse to shower or use lavatories, smear walls with excrement, and defecate in cells to protest perceived brutality and denial of political recognition.

The Blanket Protest becomes a key phase in the prison struggle during the Troubles, symbolising the refusal to accept the criminalisation of political prisoners. It sets the stage for the 1980–1981 hunger strikes, which draw international attention and result in ten deaths, including Bobby Sands, who is elected to Parliament during his fast.

In summary, the September 14, 1976, start of the Blanket Protest marks the beginning of a sustained campaign of non‑violent resistance by republican prisoners to defend their political prisoner status against the British government’s criminalisation policy.


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Roger Casement Meets With Franz von Papen in Washington, D.C.

On September 13, 1914, Irish nationalist Sir Roger Casement meets with Franz von Papen, a German diplomat and future Chancellor of Germany, in Washington, D.C., as part of his efforts to secure foreign support for Ireland’s independence from Britain.

Casement, a founder of the Irish National Volunteers and a former British diplomat, has traveled to the United States to seek American backing for his republican cause. When that proves unsuccessful, he turns to Germany, hoping to enlist Irish soldiers in the British Army to fight alongside the Germans in World War I. His plan is to raise an “Irish Brigade” composed of Irish prisoners of war captured in Belgium and France, who are estimated to number 35,000–40,000.

The September 13 meeting in Washington is one of several contacts Casement makes with German officials, including Papen, to present his proposal. He argues that an Irish Brigade could bolster the German war effort while advancing Ireland’s independence goals. However, Papen rejects the idea, and the alliance does not materialize.

Without German support, Casement’s efforts to secure Irish military aid for the 1916 Easter Rising fails. The Rising proceeds without foreign assistance, and Casement himself is arrested by British authorities in 1916, tried for treason, and executed on August 3, 1916. Despite his execution, he remains remembered as a key figure in Irish nationalism and a symbol of resistance to British rule.

In summary, the September 13, 1914, meeting in Washington, D.C., marks a high point in Casement’s diplomatic campaign for Irish independence, but it ends in rejection, setting the stage for his later role in the Easter Rising and his martyrdom.

(Pictured: Sir Roger Casement (left) and Franz von Papen)


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Dáil Éireann Declared Illegal by the British

On September 12, 1919, the British government, acting through the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Sir John French, declares Dáil Éireann — the revolutionary parliament of the Irish Republic — illegal. The proclamation categorises the Dáil as a “dangerous organisation” and adds it to a list of banned groups, which also includes Sinn Féin, the Irish Volunteers, Cumann na mBan, and the Gaelic League.

The ban comes after just eight months of Dáil Éireann’s existence, which begins on January 21, 1919, when Sinn Féin MPs refuse to take their seats in Westminster and instead convene a separate parliament in Dublin. The British initially underestimate its significance, but events change rapidly.

Sinn Féin’s attempt to raise funds (the Dáil Loan) in August 1919 for the republican cause is seen as a move to legitimise an independent administration, undermining British control. Also, some Irish Volunteers members swear allegiance to Dáil Éireann, which is seen as a political act with potential to inspire wider resistance. The summer of 1919 also sees a surge in attacks, prompting Dublin Castle to respond with suppression measures.

The proclamation takes effect nationwide, including all counties and major boroughs such as Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, Derry, and Waterford. Within days, police raids and searches target Sinn Féin headquarters and members’ homes. The Harcourt Street headquarters in Dublin is raided, leading to arrests of figures like Patrick O’Keefe and Ernest Blythe. Similar searches occur in Belfast, Derry, Omagh, and Ballycastle, uncovering literature, weapons, and ammunition in some cases.

The ban is a major blow to Sinn Féin’s political prestige, but it also hardens the resolve of many republicans. Historians note that the suppression turned some moderate politicians into “extremists” and increased the likelihood of militarisation. Despite the crackdown, the Dáil continues to operate in secret, meeting in multiple Dublin locations to maintain the Irish Republic’s political legitimacy.

In short, the September 12, 1919 declaration marks a turning point in the Irish War of Independence, shifting the conflict from political negotiation to open confrontation.

(Pictured: Members of the First Dáil Éireann seated and standing outside the Mansion House in Dublin on January 21, 1919)


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Training Vessel Asgard II Sinks in the Bay of Biscay

The Irish government-owned sail training vessel Asgard II sinks in the Bay of Biscay, about twenty nautical miles southwest of Belle-Île-en-Mer, France, on September 11, 2008. The ship is en route from Falmouth, England to La Rochelle, France for routine maintenance.

Asgard II is a wooden-hulled brigantine commissioned in 1981, purpose-built for Irish sail training under the Department of Defence and Coiste an Asgard, a founding member of Sail Training International. Named after the historic Asgard used in 1914 to smuggle weapons for Irish Volunteers, she has participated in Tall Ships events and transatlantic voyages.

The alarm is raised around 2:30 BST when the vessel begins taking on water rapidly. Captain Colm Newport reports a sudden ingress of water that causes a critical loss of stability. Despite emergency pumps, the flooding is uncontrollable, and the crew and trainees abandon the ship in an orderly evacuation.

Five crew members and twenty trainees (most Irish, but also including Britons and Italians) transfer to life rafts within minutes. The evacuation is completed in about four to five minutes, with all twenty-five people safely moved away from the sinking vessel.

French coastguard vessels, along with assistance from Haldoz and Arklow Venus, rescue everyone. They are taken to a hotel on Belle-Île, where they are cared for and contact their families. The Irish Ambassador to France, Anne Anderson, also arrives to meet them.

The exact cause of the sinking remains unclear. The Marine Casualty Investigation Board finds the vessel well-maintained beyond statutory requirements and no evidence of negligence. One theory, supported by some accounts, is that the ship may have collided with a submerged container, fracturing its keel timbers. However, the captain and officials refuse to speculate.

Plans are made to raise the ship, with an estimated cost of €3.8 million, but by February 2009 the Irish government decides against recovery, citing the risk of further damage from storms and fishing nets. The wreck rests upright on a sandy seabed at about eighty metres depth, with one hull plank damaged.

The loss of Asgard II is a significant blow to Ireland’s sail training tradition, prompting discussions about replacing the vessel.


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The First Heart Transplant Takes Place in Ireland

On September 10, 1985, the Mater Misericordiae University Hospital in Phibsborough, Dublin, performs Ireland’s first heart transplant, marking a landmark moment in Irish medicine. The pioneering operation is carried out by Dr. Maurice Neligan and Professor Freddie Wood, who recognise the need to bring this life-saving procedure to Ireland at a time when heart transplantation is still in its infancy and available only in a handful of global centres.

The transplant is a bold step, as the long-term survival of such patients is unknown. The Mater’s National Centre for Heart and Lung Transplants has since performed 447 life-saving heart transplants, transforming the lives of nearly 500 patients. The success of the first case lays the foundation for a programme that has endured for four decades and remains Ireland’s national heart transplant centre.

One of the earliest recipients is Andy Kavanagh of Coolock, Dublin, who undergoes his transplant in 1986 at the age of 19 after being diagnosed with cardiomyopathy, a condition that weakens the heart muscle. What began as a flu-like illness rapidly deteriorates, leaving him with little chance of survival. His donor, David Russell, dies in 1986 after being struck by a drunk driver. Today, Kavanagh is one of the longest-surviving heart transplant patients in the world, living a full, active life and raising his grandchildren.

The Mater’s transplant programme has evolved over the years, introducing advanced therapies such as durable left ventricular assist devices (LVADs) in 2009 and specialist care for extracorporeal membrane oxygenation (ECMO) in severe heart or lung failure. These innovations have expanded treatment options for patients with advanced heart disease.

The 1985 surgery is not just a medical milestone — it is a testament to the courage of organ donors and their families, whose generosity has made modern transplantation possible. As Professor Emer Joyce notes, “For many patients, organ donation is their only hope.”

Today, the Mater continues to celebrate this historic day, honouring the pioneering surgeons and the patients whose lives have been transformed by one of Ireland’s most significant medical achievements.

(Pictured: Freddie Wood (left) with the late Eoin O’Malley and Ita Green help perform the first heart transplant surgery in Ireland on September 10, 1985)


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Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army Captures Kenmare

On September 9, 1922, eighty-four Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) fighters capture Kenmare in County Kerry, killing local pro-Treaty officers and seizing National Army troops and arms, marking a major republican victory in the Irish Civil War.

By early September 1922, the Irish Civil War has already seen the Irish Free State forces secure most large towns in County Kerry following seaborne landings in August, but rural areas and towns like Kenmare remain under republican control. The IRA has retreated to the hills after abandoning other towns, preparing for guerrilla operations. Kenmare becomes a focal point for one of the largest republican offensives in the county.

On September 9, anti-Treaty fighters launch a coordinated attack on Kenmare. During the assault, they capture 120 National Army troops, later releasing them, and seize 110 rifles and 20,000 rounds of ammunition, significantly bolstering their resources. The attack also results in the killing of local pro-Treaty officer Tom “Scarteen” O’Connor and his brother after they are taken prisoner, highlighting the lethal intensity of the conflict.

The capture of Kenmare is a major tactical victory for the IRA, allowing anti-Treaty forces to maintain a stronghold in County Kerry and continue a guerrilla campaign for the remainder of the war. It demonstrates the resilience of republican forces despite the Irish Free State’s earlier successes and foreshadows the brutal guerrilla warfare that follows in County Kerry, including ambushes, executions, and widespread disruption to civilian life.

Following the attack, the IRA continues to operate effectively in County Kerry, using Kenmare as a base for further operations. The event contributes to the prolonged and violent nature of the Irish Civil War in County Kerry, which becomes notorious for its intensity and the high number of fatalities compared to other counties. The battle also exemplifies the personal and local dimensions of the conflict, with targeted killings and the capture of troops reflecting the deep divisions within Irish society at the time.

The September 9 attack on Kenmare remains a key episode in the history of the Irish Civil War, illustrating both the strategic and human costs of the conflict in County Kerry.

(Pictured: Main Street in Kenmare, County Kerry, September 1922)