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Birth of Gerald Boland, Fianna Fáil Politician

Gerald Boland, an Irish Fianna Fáil politician, is born in Manchester, England, on May 25, 1885.

Boland is the son of James Boland and Kate Boland (née Woods). He is the second child and eldest son among three sons (including Harry Boland) and two daughters of the couple. His family on both sides are staunch Irish Nationalists. His father is a Fenian in his younger days, a devout follower of Charles Stewart Parnell, and later a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). His father also has ties to the Irish National Invincibles, and his association with them causes him to have to flee to New York City for a time.

After his national school education, Boland attends the O’Brien Institute in Fairview, Dublin. He leaves school at fifteen and becomes an apprentice fitter at Broadstone railway station. Instead of attending his studies to secure an engineering diploma, he takes Irish language and history classes at night. Despite this, he passes his engineering exams.

Boland is enrolled in the IRB along with his younger brothers Harry in 1904, following in the footsteps of his father. He and his brothers Harry and Ned subsequently join the Irish Volunteers when that organisation is established in 1913, serving in the same company as Arthur Griffith. When news breaks out of the Easter Rising in 1916 he immediately leaves his job, however, he is bitterly disappointed when he finds out that the order has been countermanded. When the rebellion begins in earnest on Easter Monday, he makes his way to Jacob’s Mill where he fights under Thomas MacDonagh. Following the official surrender, he is arrested and interned at Frongoch internment camp in Wales, where he comes into contact with other notable revolutionary leaders, including his brother Harry’s friend Michael Collins.

Boland is released after a general amnesty in December 1916, however, he remains involved in revolutionary circles, although he declines to rejoin the IRB, believing the organisation is no longer needed. He is arrested and imprisoned in Belfast from May to December 1918 for practising military drills in the Dublin Mountains. Meanwhile, a number of his colleagues secure their release by winning seats in the 1918 United Kingdom general election.

During the Irish War of Independence, Boland is Battalion Commandant of 7 Battalion, Dublin Brigade, Irish Republican Army (IRA) and is known as “Trotsky” for his left-wing views.

Boland and his brothers are opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. He is Battalion Commandant of 3 Battalion, 2 Dublin Brigade (South Dublin) in Blessington, County Wicklow, but is captured early on in the Irish Civil War on July 7, 1922, and is interned until his release in July 1924. On the outside, his brother Harry dies some days after being shot, in August 1922, after two National Army officers attempt to arrest him at the Grand Hotel in Skerries, County Dublin. Boland applies to the Irish government for a service pension under the Military Service Pensions Act of 1934 and is awarded 11 and 5/12 years of service at Grade C for his service with the Irish Volunteers and the IRA between April 1, 1916 and September 30, 1923.

Following the end of the Irish Civil War, Boland helps to build up Sinn Féin as the main Republican party. While still imprisoned, he is selected to stand for Dáil Éireann as the Teachta Dála (TD) for Roscommon, Harry’s old seat, for the 1923 Irish general election, in which he is successful. He is among those in Kilmainham Gaol who go on hunger strike in October 1923. The hunger strike does not result in his release and he credits his practice of yoga with keeping him alive at the time.[3]

Boland is eventually released from the custody of the state in July 1924. Upon his release, he becomes secretary of Sinn Féin and stands on the executive of the party.

Boland is among the first in Sinn Féin to call for an end to the party’s abstentionism from Dáil Éireann, believing it to be a political dead end. Party leader Éamon de Valera proposes that the party abandon this policy and take their seats in the Dáil if changes are made to the oath of allegiance to the British monarch. His proposal is defeated and de Valera and his supporters, including Boland, leave Sinn Féin. Shortly after this split, a new party emerges called Fianna Fáil, with de Valera acting as leader and the other disillusioned Republican TDs joining. Boland is vital in transferring many members from Sinn Féin to Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil briefly also has an abstentionist policy but in 1927 a new law forces Fianna Fáil TDs to take the oath of allegiance and take their seats in the Dáil. Fianna Fáil dismisses the oath as “an empty formula.”

Boland works alongside Seán Lemass in building up Fianna Fáil’s grassroots support and organisation, giving particular attention to the party’s rural apparatus. In the September 1927 Irish general election Fianna Fáil comes within four seats of the ruling Cumann na nGaedheal party. The latter forms a coalition of sorts with the Farmers’ Party and returns to government.

Following the 1932 Irish general election, Fianna Fáil forms a new government. Boland is appointed Government Chief Whip, a position which allows him to attend cabinet meetings but not vote at them.

Fianna Fáil remains in power with an increased mandate following the 1933 Irish general election and Boland is promoted to the position of Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. Despite being the Minister in charge of the postal service, he does not own a telephone until some time later. During his tenure, the postal service makes considerable progress. It is also during this time that the Post Office becomes a paying concern. During his time as minister, he oversees a major expansion of the telephone service in Ireland, improvements in the transmission capacity of Radio Éireann, and construction of new provincial post offices and a new central postal sorting office.

Boland is acting Minister for Justice briefly for a time when P. J. Ruttledge is ill. It is during this time that he declares the Irish Republican Army a proscribed organisation.

A cabinet reshuffle in 1936 sees Boland become Minister for Lands. The Land Act 1939 reforms land distribution, broadening the criteria by which the state can take control over undeveloped land while offering the tenant of the land more favourable terms of compensation. He is critical of the policy of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Seán Lemass, of centralising industrial development in Dublin. He instead wishes to see a more decentralised economy based around food production. The differing viewpoint causes a rift between Boland and Lemass, but despite this Boland favoured Lemass’s policy of state intervention in the economy over Seán MacEntee‘s more laissez-faire approach.

In 1937 Boland is highly vocal during the drafting of a new constitution of Ireland by Fianna Fáil against any word which would give the Catholic Church special status, something heavily considered at the time. He declares that if the constitution elevates the position of the Catholic Church above others, it would be sectarian, anti-republican, and a hindrance to any prospects of Irish reunification. As a compromise, the term “special position” is used in the approved text of the Constitution.

Following the outbreak of World War II in 1939, known in Ireland as the Emergency, there is a cabinet reshuffle, and Boland is appointed as Minister for Justice. He takes over at a time when the IRA has once again declared war against the British state and has begun their Sabotage Campaign. He is charged with the task of crushing the organisation and preventing the IRA from drawing the Irish state into conflict with the United Kingdom. Although he always considers himself a republican, he takes a hardline against the IRA and uses his powers to order the internment of hundreds of IRA members before introducing military courts and special criminal courts.

In 1940, several imprisoned IRA members go on hunger strike but Boland refuses to grant their release. Two of the men eventually die, one of whom is the nephew of one of his Fianna Fáil colleagues. Tony D’Arcy dies at the age of 32 on April 16, 1940, as a result of a 52-day hunger strike, and Jack McNeela dies three days later after 55 days on hunger strike. These deaths spark reprisals by the IRA on the Garda Síochána. Boland subsequently introduces tougher measures by setting up a military court with the death penalty and no provision for appeal except for a review by the government. In all, twelve men are found guilty with six of them facing death and the remaining six having their sentences changed to imprisonment. Among those executed is Charlie Kerins, an acting Chief of Staff of the IRA.

As Minister of Justice, Boland is also asked to enforce policies of wartime censorship, however, finding the idea of the state censorship distasteful he establishes a censorship board to avoid accusations of bias.

During the Emergency, Boland is also responsible for the detention of several foreign agents in pursuit of Ireland’s strict policy of neutrality. During this time some 500 individuals are interned and 600 are sentenced under the newly introduced Offences against the State Act, 1939. By 1943 the IRA is in disarray, particularly after the Chief of Staff is arrested and imprisoned, leaving the organisation without leadership. Boland and Fianna Fáil feel their hardline is backed by the electorate following strong returns for the party at the 1944 Irish general election.

In 1947, Boland is among four leading Fianna Fáil figures (including de Valera) involved in the “Locke’s Distillery Scandal”, an accusation brought by Oliver J. Flanagan that foreign businessmen are bribing members of Fianna Fáil to gain the right to purchase the distillery. A tribunal of inquiry finds no evidence to support the claims, but the event taints the public’s view of Fianna Fáil.

By 1948, Fianna Fáil has been in government for an uninterrupted 16 years. With World War II finally over, the electorate seeks change and a fresh start. Arising to meet this desire is the new political party Clann na Poblachta. Led by Seán MacBride, this new party seeks to kick off a new post-war political era in Ireland, and to do this means removing Fianna Fáil from power. Many in Clann na Poblachta have republican backgrounds and in some ways, the party can be partially described as an organic reaction to Fianna Fáil and Boland’s hardline stance during the war years. Many in political circles, including inside Fianna Fáil, believe Clann na Poblachta can be a new force to reckon with.

However, de Valera always holds a reputation for being cunning in selecting the dates of general elections, and he once again cements that notion, when he calls for a general election in early 1948 before Clann na Poblachta is completely ready to contest a national election. At the 1948 Irish general election Clann na Poblachta and other Fianna Fáil opponents do well, but not as well as expected. To remove Fianna Fáil from government, every single party in the Dáil and several independents have to form the unwieldy “First Inter-Party Government.” The coalition sees Clann na Poblachta forced to work with Fine Gael, considered the traditional “enemy” of Irish republicanism. By 1951, the coalition collapses and Fianna Fáil returns to government following that year’s election, with Boland re-appointed Minister for Justice.

Boland does not seek ministerial office in 1957 when Fianna Fáil returns to power after its defeat in 1954. However, his son, Kevin, is appointed to the cabinet as Minister for Defence at the beginning of his first term in the Dáil. By this stage, Boland is beginning to be seen as an aging warhorse, with his base in Roscommon starting to slip and Fianna Fáil unhappy that he is unable to get a Fianna Fáil running mate elected alongside himself.

At the 1961 Irish general election, Boland is defeated for the first time in fourteen general election campaigns. Despite losing his Dáil seat, he subsequently secures election to Seanad Éireann. Four years later in 1965, he returns to the Seanad, this time as a nominee by the Taoiseach Seán Lemass.

In 1970, the outbreak of the Arms Crisis sees Kevin Boland resign as a Minister and as Secretary of Fianna Fáil in protest at the government’s policy on Northern Ireland and in response to the sackings of Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney from the cabinet over allegations they had arranged for weapons to be provided to the Provisional IRA. Gerald Boland, in a similar protest, resigns as a vice president and as a trustee of Fianna Fáil, although he remains a member of the party. He also articulates his loss of confidence in the leadership of Taoiseach Jack Lynch.

Boland dies in Dublin at the age of 87 on January 5, 1973. He is buried in the republican plot in Glasnevin Cemetery, Glasnevin, County Dublin. His wife, Annie Boland, predeceases him in 1970. He is survived by his three daughters and four sons.


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Birth of Josepha Madigan, Fine Gael Politician

Josepha Madigan, former Fine Gael politician, is born in Dublin on May 21, 1970. She serves as Chair of the Committee on Budgetary Oversight from July 2016 to November 2017, Minister for Culture, Heritage, and the Gaeltacht from November 2017 to June 2020, and as Minister of State at the Department of Education from July 2020 to March 2024. She serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin Rathdown constituency from 2016 to 2024.

Madigan attends Mount Anville Secondary School and Trinity College Dublin (TCD). She is married to Finbarr Hayes, and they have two children. Her father, Patrick Madigan, was a Fianna Fáil County Councillor in Dublin, and her mother, Patricia Madigan, was a barrister who had a background in Fine Gael. She and her family live in Mount Merrion, Dublin. She is a survivor of sexual assault.

Madigan is a qualified solicitor, who practises in family law for twenty years, prior to her election to Dáil Éireann. She is also certified as a mediator by the Mediators’ Institute of Ireland (MII) and is a previous Council member of the MII. She is a former Specialist Liaison Officer for Family Mediation in the MII.

Madigan is the author of the first book in Ireland on mediation: Appropriate Dispute Resolution in Ireland, a handbook for family lawyers and their clients (Jordan Publishing, 2012). She has also self-published a novel called Negligent Behaviour.

Madigan serves as a councillor for the local electoral area of Stillorgan on Dún Laoghaire–Rathdown County Council, from May 2014 until her election as a TD in 2016.

Madigan issues a leaflet in 2014 claiming that providing accommodation for Travellers in her constituency would be “a waste of valuable resources.” When asked about this later, she claims, “Some people won’t want to live beside people in halting sites […] there might be more crime, that there might be anti-social behaviour.”

Madigan is elected to the 32nd Dáil at the 2016 Irish general election as a Fine Gael TD for the Dublin Rathdown constituency, defeating sitting Fine Gael TD Alan Shatter by nearly 1,000 votes. She is appointed Chair of the Committee on Budgetary Oversight in July 2017. She is a member of the Public Accounts Committee. She introduces a private member’s bill to reduce the waiting time for divorce in Ireland from four years to two, which is passed by the Dáil.

On November 30, 2017, Madigan is appointed to the cabinet as Minister for Culture, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, in a reshuffle following the resignation of the Tánaiste Frances Fitzgerald.

On March 29, 2018, Fine Gael leader Leo Varadkar appoints Madigan as the coordinator for the party’s Yes campaign in the referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment.

In 2019, Madigan receives widespread coverage for her role in the personal injury legal claim of Fine Gael politician, Maria Bailey. It is alleged that her law practice, Madigan Solicitors, advised Bailey on her claim, however, Madigan refuses to make any comments on this citing client-solicitor confidentiality. In July 2019, an internal unpublished Fine Gael probe into the affair clears Madigan of any wrongdoing in regard to the claim. In late July 2019, the Irish Independent reports that “it is now known that she advised Ms. Bailey in the early stages of the claim.” It is also reported that her firm would earn €11,500 in fees if the Maria Bailey case were successful.

Madigan is re-elected at the 2020 Irish general election, taking the third seat behind Green Party Deputy Leader Catherine Martin and party colleague Neale Richmond. On July 1, 2020, she is appointed by the new government as Minister of State at the Department of Education with special responsibility for special education and inclusion. On January 14, 2021, she comes under fire for describing children without additional needs as “normal” while speaking in the Dáil. “We all know that even for normal children remote teaching is difficult but for children who have additional needs it is particularly difficult,” she says. Later that day on Twitter, she says she “sincerely apologises for the language she used. It is absolutely not what I meant to say.”

On January 20, 2021, speaking on RTÉ‘s Today with Claire Byrne, Madigan compares children with additional needs not attending school to the mother and baby homes. “We’ve spent the last week talking about mother and baby homes, where our most vulnerable were left to their own devices in less than satisfactory conditions and we’re now allowing further anxiety and upset to be placed on the shoulders of parents whose children desperately need to go back to school.” The Final Report of the Commission of Investigation into Mother and Baby Homes and Related Matters is published the week prior to her comments. She later apologises in a statement: “I am, as are all involved in supporting these children [children with additional needs], passionate about vindicating their rights and in reaching for an analogy I chose poorly. I apologise fully.”

Shortly after the first report of the Creeslough explosion on October 7, 2022, Madigan tweets that she hopes “they find the culprits” and, after being criticised as irresponsible and insensitive, she quickly deletes the tweet.

On March 22, 2024, Madigan announces that she will resign as Minister of State and will not contest the next general election.


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Death of Garret FitzGerald, Eighth Taoiseach of Ireland

Garret Desmond FitzGerald, Fine Gael politician, economist and barrister who serves twice as Taoiseach (1981-82 and 1982-87), dies at the age of 85 at the Mater Private Hospital in Dublin on May 19, 2011, after suffering from pneumonia. He serves as Senator for the Industrial and Commercial Panel from 1965 to 1969, a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1969 to 1992, Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1973 to 1977, Leader of Fine Gael from 1977 to 1987 and twice Leader of the Opposition between 1977 and 1982.

FitzGerald is born into a very politically active family in Ballsbridge, Dublin, on February 9, 1926, during the infancy of the Irish Free State. His father, Desmond FitzGerald, is the Free State’s first Minister for External Affairs. He is educated at the Jesuit Belvedere College, University College Dublin (UCD) and King’s Inns, Dublin, and qualifies as a barrister. Instead of practicing law, however, in 1959 he becomes an economics lecturer in the department of political economy at UCD, and a journalist.

FitzGerald joins Fine Gael, attaching himself to the liberal wing of the party. and in 1969 is elected to Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas, the Irish parliament. He later gives up his university lectureship to become Minister for Foreign Affairs in the coalition government of Liam Cosgrave (1973–77). When the coalition government is resoundingly defeated in the 1977 Irish general election, Cosgrave yields leadership of Fine Gael to FitzGerald. In his new role as Leader of the Opposition and party leader, he proceeds to modernize and strengthen the party at the grass roots. He briefly loses power in 1982 when political instability triggers two snap elections.

By the time of the 1981 Irish general election, Fine Gael has a party machine that can easily match Fianna Fáil. The party wins 65 seats and forms a minority coalition government with the Labour Party and the support of a number of Independent TDs. FitzGerald is elected Taoiseach on June 30, 1981. To the surprise of many, FitzGerald excludes Richie Ryan, Richard Burke and Tom O’Donnell, former Fine Gael stalwarts, from the cabinet.

In his prime ministry, FitzGerald pushes for liberalization of Irish laws on divorce, abortion, and contraception and also strives to build bridges to the Protestants in Northern Ireland. In 1985, during his second term, he and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher sign the Anglo-Irish (Hillsborough) Agreement, giving Ireland a consultative role in the governing of Northern Ireland. After his party loses in the 1987 Irish general election, he resigns as its leader and subsequently retires in 1992.

On May 5, 2011, it is reported that FitzGerald is seriously ill in a Dublin hospital. Newly elected Fine Gael Taoiseach Enda Kenny sends his regards and calls him an “institution.” On May 6 he is put on a ventilator. On May 19, after suffering from pneumonia, he dies at the Mater Private Hospital in Dublin at the age of 85.

In a statement, Irish President Mary McAleese hails FitzGerald as “a man steeped in the history of the State who constantly strove to make Ireland a better place for all its people.” Taoiseach Enda Kenny pays homage to “a truly remarkable man who made a truly remarkable contribution to Ireland.” Henry Kissinger, the former United States Secretary of State, who serves as an opposite number to FitzGerald in the 1970s, recalls “an intelligent and amusing man who was dedicated to his country.”

FitzGerald’s death occurs on the third day of Queen Elizabeth II‘s state visit to the Republic of Ireland, an event designed to mark the completion of the Northern Ireland peace process that had been “built on the foundations” of FitzGerald’s Anglo-Irish Agreement with Margaret Thatcher in 1985. In a personal message, the Queen offers her sympathies and says she is “saddened” to learn of FitzGerald’s death.

On his visit to Dublin, United States President Barack Obama offers condolences on FitzGerald’s death. He speaks of him as “someone who believed in the power of education; someone who believed in the potential of youth; most of all, someone who believed in the potential of peace and who lived to see that peace realised.”

FitzGerald is buried at Shanganagh Cemetery in Shankill, Dublin.

FitzGerald is the author of a number of books, including Planning in Ireland (1968), Towards a New Ireland (1972), Unequal Partners (1979), All in a Life: An Autobiography (1991), and Reflections on the Irish State (2003).


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Death of Michael O’Riordan, Founder of the Communist Party of Ireland

Michael O’Riordan, founder of the Communist Party of Ireland, dies at St. Mary’s Hospital in the Phoenix Park on May 18, 2006.

O’Riordan is born at 37 Pope’s Quay, Cork, County Cork, on November 11, 1917, the youngest of five children. His parents come from the West Cork Gaeltacht of Ballingeary–Gougane Barra. Despite his parents being native speakers of the Irish language, it is not until he is interned during World War II that he learns Irish.

As a teenager, O’Riordan joins the republican youth movement, Fianna Éireann, and then the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Much of the IRA at the time is inclined toward left-wing politics. A lot of its activity at the time involves street fighting with the quasi-fascist Blueshirt movement, and he fights the Blueshirts on the streets of Cork in 1933–34. He Is friends with left-wing inclined republicans such as Peadar O’Donnell and Frank Ryan, and in 1934, he follows them into the Republican Congress – a short-lived socialist republican party.

O’Riordan joins the Communist Party of Ireland (1933) in 1935 while still in the IRA and works on the communist newspaper The Irish Workers’ Voice. In 1937, following the urgings of Peadar O’Donnell, several hundred Irishmen, mostly IRA or ex-IRA men, go to fight for the Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War with the XVth International Brigade. They are motivated in part by enmity towards the 800 or so Blueshirts, led by Eoin O’Duffy who went to Spain to fight on the “nationalist” side in the Irish Brigade. He accompanies a party led by Frank Ryan. In the Republic’s final offensive of July 25, 1938, he carries the flag of Catalonia across the River Ebro. On August 1 he is severely injured by shrapnel on the Ebro front. He is repatriated to Ireland the following month, after the International Brigades are disbanded.

In 1938, O’Riordan is offered an Irish Army commission by the Irish Free State but chooses instead to train IRA units in Cork. As a result of his IRA activities during World War II, he is interned in the Curragh Camp from 1939 until 1943 where he is Officer Commanding of the Cork Hut and partakes in Máirtín Ó Cadhain‘s Gaelic League classes as well as publishes Splannc (Irish for “Spark”, named after Vladimir Lenin‘s newspaper). He is secretary of the “Connolly group,” composed of leftist internees. Following his release from internment, he terminates his IRA membership.

In 1944, O’Riordan is founding secretary of the Liam Mellows Branch of the Labour Party. This branch becomes infamous for what is regarded during the period as its controversial nature and becomes an intractable enemy of Branch Chair Timothy Quill. The branch is initially established by former members of the Curragh Camp’s Communist Group, including Bill Nagle and Jim Savage. During this time, the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) disaffiliates from the Labour Party and the National Labour Party is established on the basis that communists have infiltrated the party. Quill, who is made branch chair by the Labour Party, allegedly has O’Riordan and his fellow members expelled, with the branch being dissolved. O’Riordan later accuses Quill of antisemitism and both Quill and Timothy J. Murphy of “red-baiting.” In 2001, he claims that any attempt to raise the issue of defence of communist Spain “was shouted down at Labour Party Conferences.” In 1945, he is a founding secretary of the Cork Socialist Party.

O’Riordan subsequently works as a bus conductor in Cork and is active in the ITGWU. He stands as a Cork Socialist Party candidate in the 1946 Cork Borough by-election, placing third behind Fianna Fáil‘s Patrick McGrath and Fine Gael‘s Michael O’Driscoll with 3,184 votes. Afterward, he moves to Dublin where he lives in Victoria Street with his wife Kay, and continues to work as a bus conductor and remains active in the ITGWU.

In 1948, O’Riordan is a founding secretary of the Irish Workers’ League and general secretary thereafter, and of its successor organisation the Irish Workers’ Party from 1962 to 1970.

In the 1960s, O’Riordan is a pivotal figure in the Dublin Housing Action Committee which agitates for clearances of Dublin’s slums and for the building of social housing. There, he befriends Fr. Austin Flannery, leading the then Finance Minister and future Taoiseach Charles Haughey to dismiss Flannery as “a gullible cleric” while the Minister for Local Government, Kevin Boland, describes him as a “so-called cleric” for sharing a platform with O’Riordan. The Catholic Church states that anyone who votes for him has committed mortal sin.

O’Riordan meets and befriends folk musician Luke Kelly, and the two develop a “personal-political friendship.” Kelly endorses him for election, and holds a rally in his name during campaigning in 1965.

In all O’Riordan runs for election five times, campaigning throughout for the establishment of a socialist republic in Ireland but given Ireland’s Catholic conservatism and fear of communism, he does so without success. He does, however, receive playwright Seán O’Casey‘s endorsement in 1951. O’Casey writes: “Mr. O’Riordan is his own message. He has nothing to sell but his soul. But he hasn’t done that, though he will be told he’ll lose it by holding on to it.”

O’Riordan’s participation in the Spanish Civil War is always an important part of his political identity. In 1966, he attends the International Brigades’ Reunion in Berlin and is instrumental in having Frank Ryan’s remains repatriated from Germany to Ireland in 1979.

O’Riordan is a member of the Irish Chile Solidarity Committee and attends the 1st Party Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in 1984. He also campaigns on behalf of the Birmingham Six and attends their appeal trial in 1990. He serves between 1970 and 1983 as General Secretary of the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) and from 1983 to 1988 as National Chairman of the party publishing many articles under the auspices of the CPI. Hus staunchly pro-Soviet direction of the party leads to a number of members leaving to form the Eurocommunist Irish Marxist Society.

At the February 1982 Irish general election, O’Riordan and his party are described as “traitors to the working class” by the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist–Leninist).

O’Riordan’s last major public outing is in 2005 at the re-dedication of the memorial outside Dublin’s Liberty Hall to the Irish veterans of the Spanish Civil War. With other veterans, he Is received by President of Ireland Mary McAleese. He is also presented with Cuba’s Medal of Friendship by the Cuban Consul Teresita Trujillo to Ireland on behalf of Cuban President Fidel Castro.

In 1969, according to Soviet dissident Vasili Mitrokhin, O’Riordan is approached by IRA leaders Cathal Goulding and Seamus Costello with a view to obtaining guns from the Soviet KGB to defend Irish republican areas of Belfast during the communal violence that marked the outbreak of the Troubles. Mitrokhin alleges that O’Riordan then contacts the Kremlin, but the consignment of arms does not reach Ireland until 1972. The operation is known as Operation Splash.

In the meantime, the IRA has split into the Provisional IRA and the Official IRA and it is the latter faction who receives the Soviet arms. Mitrokhin’s allegations are repeated in Boris Yeltsin‘s autobiography. After the split in the Republican movement, O’Riordan unsuccessfully attempts to bring about a reunification of the two sides.

O’Riordan’s book, Connolly Column: The Story of the Irishmen who fought for the Spanish Republic, 1936–1939, published in 1979, deals with the Irish volunteers of the International Brigade who fought in support of the Spanish Republic against Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). An updated version of the book is reprinted in 2005 and is launched by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Cllr. Michael Conaghan at a book launch at SIPTU headquarters, Liberty Hall. The book is the inspiration for Irish singer-songwriter Christy Moore‘s famous song Viva la Quinta Brigada.

In 1991, O’Riordan’s wife, Kay Keohane of Clonakilty, County Cork dies at their home at the age of 81. He continues to live in their family home before moving to Glasnevin in 2000 to be close to his son Manus who lives nearby. In 1999, he describes himself as an atheist and believes that communism will rise again. He lives there until falling ill in November 2005 and is taken to the Mater Hospital. His health rapidly deteriorates and he quickly develops Alzheimer’s disease. Soon afterward he is moved to St. Mary’s Hospital in the Phoenix Park where he spends the final few months of his life, before his death at the age of 88 on May 18, 2006. Then Labour Party leader Ruairi Quinn praises O’Riordan after his death, saying, “As leader of the Labour Party I had the honour of ensuring he received a special citation at our 2001 national conference. Michael O’Riordan stood out against the tide of Irish conservatism and clerical domination that kept Ireland backward and isolated in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s.”

O’Riordan’s funeral at Glasnevin Crematorium is attended by over a thousand mourners. Following a wake the previous night at Finglas Road, hundreds turn up outside the house of his son and traffic grinds to a halt as family, friends and comrades – many of whom are waving the red flag of the Communist Party of Ireland – escort O’Riordan to Glasnevin Cemetery. A secular ceremony takes place led by Manus O’Riordan (Head of Research at SIPTU) with contributions from O’Riordan’s family, Communist Party general secretary Eugene McCartan and IBMT representative Pauline Frasier.

The funeral congregation includes politicians such as Labour Party leader Pat Rabbitte, his predecessor Ruairi Quinn, party front-bencher Joan Burton; Sinn Féin TD Seán Crowe and councillor Larry O’Toole; former Workers’ Party leader Tomás Mac Giolla and former Fianna Fáil MEP Niall Andrews. Also in attendance are union leaders Jack O’Connor (SIPTU), Mick O’Reilly (ITGWU) and David Begg (ICTU). Actors Patrick Bergin, Jer O’Leary; singer Ronnie Drew; artist Robert Ballagh; newsreader Anne Doyle are also among the mourners. Tributes are paid by President of Ireland Mary McAleese, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams and Labour Party TDs Ruairi Quinn and Michael D. Higgins.


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Birth of Eoin MacNeill, Gaelic Revivalist, Nationalist & Politician

Eoin MacNeill, Irish scholar, Irish language enthusiast, Gaelic revivalist, nationalist and politician, is born John McNeill in Glenarm, County Antrim, on May 15, 1867.

MacNeill is one of five children born to Archibald McNeill, a Roman Catholic working-class baker, sailor and merchant, and his wife, Rosetta McNeill (née McAuley), also a Catholic. He is raised in Glenarm, an area which “still retained some Irish-language traditions.” His niece is nationalist and teacher, Máirín Beaumont.

MacNeill is educated at St. Malachy’s College and Queen’s College, Belfast. He is interested in Irish history and immerses himself in its study. He achieves a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics, jurisprudence and constitutional history in 1888, and then works in the British Civil Service.

MacNeill co-founds the Gaelic League in 1893, along with Douglas Hyde. He is unpaid secretary from 1893 to 1897 and then becomes the initial editor of the League’s official newspaper An Claidheamh Soluis (1899–1901). He is also editor of the Gaelic Journal from 1894 to 1899. In 1908, he is appointed professor of early Irish history at University College Dublin (UCD).

MacNeill marries Agnes Moore on April 19, 1898. The couple has eight children, four sons and four daughters (though the 1911 census entry for MacNeill notes eleven children, seven of whom are still alive).

The Gaelic League is from the start strictly non-political, but in 1915, a proposal is put forward to abandon that policy and become a semi-political organisation. MacNeill strongly supports this and rallies to his side a majority of delegates at the 1915 Oireachtas. Douglas Hyde, a non-political Protestant, who had co-founded the League and been its president for 22 years, resigns immediately afterward.

Through the Gaelic League, MacNeill meets members of Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), and other nationalists and republicans. One such colleague, The O’Rahilly, runs the league’s newspaper An Claidheamh Soluis, and in October 1913 asks MacNeill to write an editorial for it on a subject broader than Irish language issues. He submits a piece called “The North Began,” encouraging the formation of a nationalist volunteer force committed to Irish Home Rule, much as the unionists had done earlier in the year with the Ulster Volunteers to thwart Home Rule in Ireland. In July 1915, he comments on the threat that the unarmed nationalists in Ulster might face: “…a demented…English driven Orange Army would be let loose upon the helpless Catholic people of Ulster, who would be driven out of the province or massacred where they stood.”

Bulmer Hobson, a member of the IRB, approaches MacNeill about bringing the idea to fruition, and, through a series of meetings, MacNeill becomes chair of the council that forms the Irish Volunteers, later becoming its chief of staff. Unlike the IRB, he is opposed to the idea of an armed rebellion, except in resisting any suppression of the Volunteers, seeing little hope of success in open battle against the British army.

The Irish Volunteers have been infiltrated by the Irish Republican Brotherhood, which plan on using the organisation to stage an armed rebellion, to separate Ireland from the United Kingdom and establishing an Irish Republic. The entry of the UK into World War I is, in their view, a perfect opportunity to do that. With the cooperation of James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army, a secret council of IRB officials plan a general rising at Easter 1916. On the Wednesday before Easter, they present MacNeill with a letter, allegedly stolen from high-ranking British staff in Dublin Castle, indicating that the British are going to arrest him and all the other nationalist leaders. Unbeknownst to MacNeill, the letter—called the Castle Document—is a forgery.

When MacNeill learns about the IRB’s plans, and when he is informed that Roger Casement is about to land in County Kerry with a shipment of German arms, he is reluctantly persuaded to go along with them, believing British action is now imminent and that mobilization of the Irish Volunteers will be justified as a defensive act. However, after learning that the German arms shipment has been intercepted and Casement arrested, and having confronted Patrick Pearse, who refuses to relent, MacNeill countermands the order for the Rising by sending written messages to leaders around the country, and placing a notice in the Sunday Independent cancelling the planned “manoeuvres.” This greatly reduces the number of volunteers who report for duty on the day of the Easter Rising.

Pearse, Connolly and the others agree that the uprising will go ahead anyway, but it begins one day later than originally intended to ensure that the authorities are taken by surprise. Beginning on Easter Monday, April 24, 1916, the Rising lasts less than a week. After the surrender of the rebels, MacNeill is arrested although he has taken no part in the insurrection. The rebel leader Tom Clarke, according to his wife Kathleen, warns her on the day before his execution, “I want you to see to it that our people know of his treachery to us. He must never be allowed back into the National life of this country, for so sure as he is, so sure will he act treacherously in a crisis. He is a weak man, but I know every effort will be made to whitewash him.”

MacNeill is released from prison in 1917 and is elected Member of Parliament (MP) for the National University and Londonderry City constituencies for Sinn Féin in the 1918 United Kingdom general election. In line with abstentionist Sinn Féin policy, he refuses to take his seat in the British House of Commons in London and sits instead in the newly convened Dáil Éireann in Dublin, where he is made Secretary for Industries in the second ministry of the First Dáil. He is a member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland for Londonderry between 1921 and 1925, although he never takes his seat. In 1921, he supports the Anglo-Irish Treaty. In 1922, he is in a minority of pro-Treaty delegates at the Irish Race Convention in Paris. Following the establishment of the Irish Free State, he becomes Minister for Education in its second (provisional) government, the third Dáil. He strongly supports the execution of Richard Barrett, Liam Mellows, Joe McKelvey and Rory O’Connor during the Irish Civil War.

In 1923, MacNeill, a committed internationalist, is also a key member of the diplomatic team that oversees Ireland’s entry to the League of Nations.

MacNeill’s family is split on the treaty issue. One son, Brian, takes the anti-Treaty side and is killed in disputed circumstances near Sligo by Free State troops during the Irish Civil War in September 1922. Two other sons, Niall and Turloch, as well as nephew Hugo MacNeill, serve as officers in the Free State Army. One of his brothers, James McNeill, is the second and penultimate Governor-General of the Irish Free State.

In 1924, the three-man Irish Boundary Commission is set up to settle the border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State. MacNeill represents the Irish Free State. He is the only member of the Commission without legal training and has been described as being “pathetically out of his depth.” However, each of the Commissioners is selected out of political expediency rather than for any established competence or insight into boundary making. On November 7, 1925, a conservative British newspaper, The Morning Post, publishes a leaked map showing a part of eastern County Donegal (mainly The Laggan district) that is to be transferred to Northern Ireland, the opposite of the main aims of the commission. Perhaps embarrassed by that, especially since he said that it had declined to respect the terms of the Treaty, MacNeill resigns from the commission on November 20. Hus performance in the Boundary Commission has been deemed highly negative in a 2025 study The Root of All Evil: The Irish Boundary Commission.

On November 24, 1925, MacNeill also resign as Minister for Education, a position unrelated to his work on the commission.

On December 3, 1925, the Free State government agrees with the governments in London and Belfast to end its onerous treaty requirement to pay its share of the United Kingdom’s “imperial debt” and, in exchange, agrees that the 1920 boundary will remain as it is, overriding the commission. This angers many nationalists and MacNeill is the subject of much criticism, but in reality, he and the commission have been sidestepped by the intergovernmental debt renegotiation. In any case, despite his resignations, the intergovernmental boundary deal is approved by a Dáil vote of 71–20 on December 10, 1925, and MacNeill is listed as voting with the majority in favour. He loses his Dáil seat at the June 1927 Irish general election.

MacNeill is an important scholar of Irish history and among the first to study Early Irish law, offering both his interpretations, which at times are coloured by his nationalism, and translations into English. He is also the first to uncover the nature of succession in Irish kingship, and his theories are the foundation for modern ideas on the subject.

MacNeill is a contributor to the Royal Irish Academy‘s Clare Island Survey, recording the Irish place names of the island. His disagreements and disputes with Goddard Henry Orpen, particularly over the latter’s book Ireland under the Normans, generate controversy.

MacNeill is President of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (RSAI) from 1937 to 1940 and President of the Royal Irish Academy (RIA) from 1940 to 1943.

MacNeill retires from politics completely and becomes Chair of the Irish Manuscripts Commission. In his later years he devotes his life to scholarship and publishes several books on Irish history. He dies in Dublin of natural causes, aged 78, on October 15, 1945. He is buried in Kilbarrack Cemetery.

MacNeill’s grandson Michael McDowell serves as Tánaiste, Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, TD and a Senator. Another grandson, Myles Tierney, serves as a member of Dublin County Council, where he is Fine Gael whip on the council.


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Birth of Malcolm Byrne, Fianna Fáil Politician

Malcolm Byrne, an Irish Fianna Fáil politician, is born in Gorey, County Wexford, on April 25, 1974. He serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Wicklow–Wexford constituency since the 2024 Irish general election. He previously serves as a Senator for the Cultural and Educational Panel from 2020 to 2024. He represents the Wexford constituency from 2019 to 2020.

Byrne is the eldest child from a family of five. He attends St. Joseph’s CBS secondary school in Gorey, later studying law at University College Dublin (UCD). He is secretary of the Kevin Barry Cumann while at UCD. He Is involved in student politics, serving as education officer for both UCD Students’ Union and the Union of Students in Ireland, and as an executive member of the European Students’ Union.

Byrne describes the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre and the fall of the Berlin Wall as influencing his decision to enter politics.

Byrne is Head of Communications with the Higher Education Authority (HEA) until 2019, and has been Vice-President of the National Youth Council of Ireland. In 2014, he is named as one of the European 40 Under 40, in the European Young Leaders Programme.

When first elected to Gorey Town Council on the first count in the 1999 Irish local elections, he is its youngest member at the age of 25. He tops the poll again at the 2004 Irish local elections. He is first elected to Wexford County Council in the 2009 Irish local elections for the Gorey local electoral area, and elected Chairman following his 2014 re-election.

In January 2006, The Sun includes Byrne’s picture on the cover of its Irish edition beneath the headline “Bertie‘s FF Man in Gay Web Shame,” revealing that Byrne has a profile on the dating website Gaydar. He responds at the time, “I have not, nor have I ever, done anything illegal and I am not a hypocrite in any way. My views on gay rights issues are well known. I am not married with four children or anything like that, so there is no suggestion of hypocrisy.” His family and political career suffer as a result and he is not selected for candidacy in the 2007 Irish general election following this incident. He later describes how a journalist from The Gorey Echo first approaches him, “The first few questions were about roads. Then the journalist said, ‘Are you aware you have a profile on this dating website?'” When he confirms that the profile is his, he experiences a sleepless night before The Gorey Echo outs him locally: “I was ringing around people I knew and my parents were ringing around people … my grandmother didn’t know and a lot of my extended family and my friends didn’t know.” Gorey Echo group editor Tom Mooney defends the publication by saying he believes Byrne’s behaviour to be “unfitting of a public representative.”

Byrne is a candidate for Fianna Fáil in the 2016 Irish general election in the Wexford constituency, but does not win a seat.

Byrne contests the 2019 European Parliament election for Fianna Fail in the South constituency, having unexpectedly beaten Cork TD Billy Kelleher in the vote for the party’s nomination. However, Kelleher is later added to the ticket. Fianna Fáil then divides the constituency geographically, asking people in counties Carlow, Kilkenny, Laois, Offaly, Tipperary, Waterford, Wexford and Wicklow to vote for Byrne, and those in counties Cork, Kerry, Clare and Limerick to vote for Kelleher. Kelleher wins 11.69% of the first-preference votes (FPV) and is elected on the 17th count. Byrne wins 9.62% of the FPV, and is eliminated on the 16th count.

Byrne is elected as a TD at the 2019 Wexford by-election. Andrew Bolger is co-opted to Byrne’s seat on Wexford County Council following his election to the Dáil. His maiden speech is about housing solutions and the need to address the challenges facing Generation Rent. In an interview he says he can envisage a United Ireland where the 12th of July and Saint Patrick’s Day are public holidays and speaks about how Ireland needs to ensure Unionists feel at home in a new agreed state and that may mean addressing issues such as Ireland joining the Commonwealth.

Byrne loses his Dáil seat at the 2020 Irish general election, following what he calls “a dirty campaign.” His defeat after only 71 days makes him the TD with the second-shortest term of service, after the Anti H-Block TD Kieran Doherty, who dies on hunger strike in August 1981, only 52 days after his election.

On March 31, 2020, Byrne is elected to Seanad Éireann at the 2020 Seanad election. He is named as Fianna Fáil spokesperson on Higher Education, Innovation and Science by Taoiseach Micheál Martin in July 2020.

As a senator, Byrne is a vocal critic of human rights abuses in China. In February 2021, he becomes co-chair of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, along with Senator Barry Ward of Fine Gael. Byrne is a member of the cross-party Oireachtas Friends of Israel in the Oireachtas.

At the 2024 Irish general election, Byrne is elected to the Dáil. He is subsequently appointed Cathaoirleach of the Joint Committee on Artificial Intelligence.

Byrne is openly gay. As of 2020, he is single and describes politics as “almost like an addiction,” which makes relationships difficult. He lives in Gorey.

In March 2025, Byrne is injured during the theft of his phone in London.


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Death of T. J. Maher, Irish Politician & Farmers’ Leader

Thomas Joseph “T. J.” Maher, farmers’ leader and public representative, dies on April 19, 2002, at St. Vincent’s Hospital, Dublin, following a short illness.

Maher is born on April 29, 1922, at Castlemoyle, Boherlahan, Cashel, County Tipperary, the seventh child of Thomas Maher, farmer, and his wife Julianne Maher. Raised on the family’s forty-five-acre holding and educated locally at Ardmayle national school and at the Christian Brothers school and VEC school in Cashel, he takes over the farm in 1948 when ill health forces his father into retirement. He subsequently enlarges it to 120 acres. Mechanically adept, a talented sportsman, and a member of Cashel Dramatic Society, he joins Macra na Feirme and is a founder member of the National Farmers’ Association (NFA) in January 1955.

Maher is a member and chairman of the dairy committee of the NFA before coming to national attention through his participation in the historic farmers’ rights march to Dublin led by Rickard Deasy (October 7-19, 1966), part of the militant campaign for fairer agricultural prices and for reform of taxation and rates on farmland. His part in the subsequent three-week sit-down protest and meeting with incoming minister Neil Blaney, at the Department of Agriculture, confirms his reputation as a tenacious campaigner for agricultural causes. In August 1967, shortly after 100 farmers have served prison sentences for withholding rates, he succeeds Deasy as NFA president. Charismatic, articulate, and decisive, he also has a strong sense of personal responsibility, which governs his expectations of colleagues and associates. With exhausting rounds of travel and meetings, he is impossible to ignore and grist to the media mill, with his apparently impromptu but, in reality, carefully rehearsed speeches criticising politicians, parties, bureaucracy, and tardy national policy. He warns of national economic failure unless government and public services take radical modernising initiatives. He is at once nationalist, internationalist, and a revolutionary campaigner for change, an idealistic firebrand who is essentially conservative in social matters.

Maher’s campaign for agriculture is tempered by a wider interest in the social and economic future of Ireland ahead of crucial negotiations for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). He becomes a household name, gadfly of bureaucrats and hero of farmers. In November 1967 he attends the European Congress of the International Federation of Agricultural Producers in Rome as an advance action prior to taking part in the subsequent negotiations leading to Ireland’s “entry to Europe” in January 1973. He is re-elected president of the NFA in 1970.

Amalgamating the NFA with several of the agricultural producers’ organisations, Maher oversees its reemergence as the Irish Farmers’ Association (IFA) in January 1971 and remains president until 1976. Strengthened by his pro-European leadership, the IFA withstands the counter-propaganda which, in the referendum of May 1972, urges rejection of the EEC on economic, social, and religious grounds. Despite his own moderately conservative social views and unequivocal opposition to abortion in Ireland, his commitment to European integration is not in question.

Maher is a director of prestigious state-sponsored bodies including Bord Bainne, the Irish Sugar Company, and the B & I shipping line. He also serves six terms between 1976 and 1983 as president of the Irish Co-operative Organisation Society (ICOS). Such relative sinecures are balanced by adherence to humanitarian causes that occupy most of his subsequent life. Passionate about practical support for developing countries, he becomes a founder and chairman of Bóthar, the Irish self-help relief agency for supply of livestock overseas. He urges prison reform and supports Amnesty International in its prisoners’ rights campaigns. Running as an independent candidate, he is elected Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for Munster in 1979, beating the strong Fine Gael candidate Alan Dukes. Describing himself as a public representative rather than a politician, he sits in the Liberal and Democratic parliamentary group and continues to fly agricultural and other kites as a non-party deputy. Typically, he criticises the scale of Irish embassies abroad, suggesting alternative teams of trade and tourism personnel. He advocates fairer agricultural policies towards developing countries in spite of prevailing European attitudes of self-interest, and urges the transfer of Northern Ireland from British jurisdiction to European protectorate status. At home he seeks all-party consensus on economic recovery from the depressed condition of the mid 1980s, well intentioned and lonely causes that fail to draw significant political support.

Maher’s habit of traveling with tools to unlock sealed hotel windows is an example of his sometimes eccentric practicality. His unsuccessful attempt to win a Dáil seat for Tipperary South in the 1981 Irish general election postpones his return to Ireland, although he is twice reelected an MEP before retiring in 1994. During his time in Strasbourg he is a quaestor of the European Parliament and a member of its committees on rural development, regions and petitions. He advocates decentralisation of power in Ireland while also criticising local authorities for laxity in their commitment to environmental protection.

For all his outspokenness, Maher is widely respected for the courageous positions he adopts. When time permits, he is an avid reader of history. He maintains his rural pastimes, especially attendance at Gaelic sports, where he can test the political pulse of his constituents. Following a short illness, he dies on April 19, 2002, aged 79, at St. Vincent’s Hospital, Dublin. He is buried at Boherlahan cemetery following a Requiem Mass, celebrated by his surviving brother, the Rev. Michael Maher CSSp (a former veterinary surgeon), and his cousin Denis.

Maher marries Elizabeth (Betty) Kennedy from Bansha, near Cashel, on January 8, 1958. They live at Castlemoyle and have one daughter, Julianne, and two sons, Thomas and Denis. His brother James (Jamesie), who predeceases him in October 1975, had been a medical consultant at St. Vincent’s and consultant surgeon to the Irish Rugby Football Union (IRFU).

(From: “Maher, Thomas Joseph” by Patrick Long, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)


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Birth of Patrick Guiney, Irish Nationalist Politician

Patrick Guiney, Irish Nationalist politician, agrarian agitator and Member of Parliament (MP) in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, is born in Newmarket, County Cork, on March 16, 1867.

Guiney is the eldest son of Timothy Guiney, a shopkeeper and later clerk of Kanturk poor law union, and Ellen Carver. He is educated at St. Patrick’s Monastery, Mountrath, County Laois. He serves three terms of imprisonment for activity in the Land War and later Plan of Campaign movement during the 1880s under the Coercion Act. He becomes a farmer and serves as councillor for Newmarket and on the Cork County Council (1908–11) as well as Chair of Newmarket Agricultural Society, Newmarket Gaelic League and Newmarket Old-Age Pensions Committee.

With strong family connection in the North Cork area, Guiney builds a personal political base as a Land and Labour Association activist, skilled in organising land agitation and deploying it at a local level to make landlords agree to sales terms under the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903. A supporter of William O’Brien‘s All-for-Ireland League, he is elected MP for North Cork in the January 1910 United Kingdom general election. He is re-elected in the following December 1910 United Kingdom general election, when he also contests (unsuccessfully) for East Kerry.

Guiney marries Nanette O’Connor of Ballyclogh, Mallow, County Cork, in 1895.

Guiney dies at his home in Newmarket on October 12, 1913, after contracting pneumonia and is buried in Clonfert Cemetery, Newmarket.

Guiney’s brother, John, a solicitor in Kanturk, is returned unopposed for his seat in the resulting 1913 North Cork by-election. They are uncles of Philip Burton, Fine Gael TD for Cork North-East from 1961 to 1969, and member of the Seanad from 1973 to 1977.

(Pictured: All-for-Ireland League group portrait of five of its Members of Parliament, in the “Cork Free Press”, 30 July 1910. These are: Patrick Guiney (North Cork), James Gilhooly (West Cork), Maurice Healy (North-east Cork), D. D. Sheehan (Mid Cork), and Eugene Crean (South-east Cork))


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Birth of Richie Ryan, Fine Gael Politician

Richard Ryan, Fine Gael politician, is born in Dublin on February 27, 1929. He serves as Minister for Finance and Minister for the Public Service from 1973 to 1977 and a Member of the European Court of Auditors from 1986 to 1989. He serves as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from 1977 to 1986. He serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1959 to 1982.

Ryan is educated at Synge Street CBS, University College Dublin (UCD), where he studies economics and jurisprudence, and the Law Society of Ireland, subsequently qualifying as a solicitor. A formidable orator, at UCD he is auditor of the Literary and Historical Society (L&H) and subsequently of the Solicitors Apprentice Debating Society (1950), and wins both societies’ gold medals for debating. He serves as an Honorary Vice-president of the L&H.

After qualifying, Ryan works for several solicitors’ firms before establishing a private practice in Dame Street in Dublin, in which he remains an active partner until appointed to ministerial office in 1973.

Ryan first holds political office when he is elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fine Gael TD for Dublin South-West in a 1959 by-election, and retains his seat until he retires at the February 1982 Irish general election to concentrate on his European Parliament seat.

In opposition, Ryan serves as Fine Gael Spokesperson on Health and Social Welfare (1966–70) and on Foreign Affairs and Northern Ireland (1970–73). During this period he is involved in several important pro bono legal cases, including the 1963 challenge in the High Court, and then, on appeal, in the Supreme Court of Ireland in 1964, by Gladys Ryan (no relation) on the constitutionality of the fluoridation of the water supply. While the court rules against Gladys Ryan, the case remains a landmark, for it establishes the right to privacy under the Constitution of Ireland (or, perhaps more precisely, the right to bodily integrity under Article 40.3.1.). The case also raises a legal controversy, owing to the introduction by Justice Kenny of the concept of unenumerated rights. Other notable cases involving Ryan include a challenge to the rules governing the drafting of constituency boundaries, and an unsuccessful attempt to randomise the order of candidates on ballot papers (owing to a preponderance of TDs with surnames from the first part of the alphabet).

Fine Gael comes to power in a coalition with the Labour Party in 1973, and Ryan becomes Minister for Finance. He presides over a tough four years in the National Coalition under Liam Cosgrave, during the 1970s oil crisis when, in common with most Western economies, Ireland faces a significant recession. He is variously lampooned as “Richie Ruin” on the Irish satire show Hall’s Pictorial Weekly, and as “Red Richie” for his government’s introduction of a wealth tax. Following the 1977 Irish general election Fine Gael is out of power, and he once again becomes Spokesperson on Foreign Affairs.

Ryan also served as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) in 1973 and from 1977 to 1979, being appointed to Ireland’s first delegation and third delegation. At the first direct elections to the European Parliament in 1979, he is elected for the Dublin constituency and is re-elected in 1984 European Parliament election in Ireland, heading the poll on both occasions.

On being appointed to the European Court of Auditors in 1986, he resigns his seat and is succeeded by Chris O’Malley. He serves as a member of the Court of Auditors from 1986 to 1994, being replaced by Barry Desmond. After retirement, he continues in several roles, including as a Commissioner of Irish Lights (until 2004) and a time as Chairman of the Irish Red Cross in 1998.

Ryan is the father of the economist and academic Cillian Ryan. He dies in Dublin at the age of 90 on March 17, 2019. He is buried at Newlands Cross Cemetery and Crematorium in Dublin.


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Death of Jim Tunney, Fianna Fáil Politician

James C. Tunney, a Fianna Fáil politician, dies in Dublin on January 16, 2002.

Tunney is born on December 25, 1924, in Finglas, Dublin, the fourth child among three sons and five daughters of James Tunney, a farmer and Labour Party Teachta Dála (TD) and senator, and M. Ellen Tunney (née Grimes), who both come from outside Westport, County Mayo. He is educated at St. Vincent’s C.B.S. in Glasnevin.

Tunney works in the Department of Agriculture from 1943 to 1955 and it is during this period that he studies part-time at University College Dublin (UCD), where he takes a BA in drama, English, and Irish before studying for a postgraduate qualification in Irish. From 1955 to 1962 he teaches drama at Vocational Education Committees (VEC) in Lucan, Balbriggan, and Garretstown, before being appointed headmaster of Blanchardstown VEC in 1962.

Tunney also plays at senior level for the Dublin county football team. He is on the winning side for Dublin in the 1948 All-Ireland Junior Football Championship.

A snappy dresser who earns the nickname “the yellow rose of Finglas,” Tunney is sometimes seen as pompous, a perception possibly attributable to his acting background, which once leads to an audition at Dublin’s Abbey Theatre.

In 1963 Tunney joins Fianna Fáil, and stands for the party at the  1965 Irish general election but is not elected. He is elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD for the Dublin North-West constituency at the 1969 Irish general election. He serves continuously in the Dáil until losing his seat at the 1992 Irish general election, having been a TD for Dublin Finglas from 1977 to 1981 when Dublin constituencies are reconfigured as 3-seaters, before being returned for Dublin North-West in 1981.

During this period Tunney serves as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Education (after 1978, Minister of State at the Department of Education) in three governments. He serves as Leas-Ceann Comhairle of Dáil Éireann from 1981 to 1982, and from 1987 to 1993. He is also chair of the Fianna Fáil parliamentary party for ten years. He is a member of Dublin City Council, and serves as Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1984 to 1985.

Following Tunney’s death, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern describes him as “a parliamentarian and a gentleman who was passionately committed to serving his country.” Ahern adds, “he was not only a man of substance but one of style. From the flower that was always in his buttonhole to the elegance of his language in both Irish and English he had a commanding and stylish presence.”

Fine Gael leader Michael Noonan says Tunney had gained “the widespread affection and respect of colleagues of all political parties.”

Leader of the Labour Party Ruairi Quinn describes Tunney as a “thoughtful and courteous colleague” who carried out his duties with “fairness but also with wit and style.”