seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA


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Van Morrison Inducted Into Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame

Rock legend Van Morrison becomes the first inductee into the Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame in Dublin on September 1, 1999. The honour is presented at a special ceremony hosted by poet Brendan Kennelly, with countryman Bob Geldof delivering the tribute. Morrison, 54 at the time, performs at the event, showcasing his signature blend of soul, jazz, and rock.

The Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame is created to celebrate and preserve the best of Irish musical talent over decades, from traditional acts like Christy Moore and The Dubliners to modern icons such as U2, Boyzone, and Ash. It is based around a new multimedia exhibition in Dublin city centre, highlighting the history and development of Irish rock and pop.

Morrison, born in Belfast, Northern Ireland, is widely regarded as Ireland’s greatest living legend. Hall of Fame director Niall Stokes, the editor of Hot Press, praises him as a “multi-talented creative force” with an “astonishing body of work of great depth and beauty.” Geldof calls him “the only genius in Irish music.”

This induction marks Morrison’s first major honour in Ireland, though he has already been inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1993. The Hot Press Irish Music Hall of Fame is distinct from the U.S. Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, which has been operating since 1983.

The 1999 induction cements Morrison’s status not only as a global rock icon but also as a defining figure in Irish music history. It is a milestone moment for the Hall of Fame, setting the stage for future inductees chosen by a panel of industry experts.


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Birth of Professional Golfer Pádraig Harrington

Pádraig Peter Harrington, one of the most accomplished professional golfers in history, is born in Dublin on August 31, 1971.

Raised in Rathfarnham, a suburb of Dublin, Harrington grows up in a sports‑oriented family — his father, Patrick Harrington, is a Gaelic footballer, boxer, and amateur golfer with a five‑handicap. He attends Coláiste Éanna secondary school and studies accountancy, balancing academics with a passion for golf.

Harrington begins playing golf with his family at age five and develops his skills at nearby Stackstown Golf Club. As an amateur, he represents Great Britain and Ireland in the Walker Cup three times (1991, 1993, 1995), winning the 1995 edition. He turns professional in 1995 at the age of 24, quickly winning the Peugeot Spanish Open in 1996.

Harrington has won 43 professional tournaments across the PGA European Tour, PGA Tour, Japan Golf Tour, Asian Tour, and PGA Tour Champions. His career highlights include: three major championships (the 2007 and 2008 Open Championship and the 2008 PGA Championship). He is the winner of the European Tour Order of Merit in 2006 and PGA Tour Player of the Year in 2008. He is a member of six consecutive Ryder Cup teams (1999–2010), winning four (2002, 2004, 2006, 2010). He reaches his career‑high world ranking of No. 3 in July 2008. In October 2024, he wins the inaugural Simmons Bank Championship at Pleasant Valley Country Club in the author’s hometown of Little Rock, Arkansas.

In 2024, Harrington is inducted into the World Golf Hall of Fame, cementing his status as one of golf’s legends. Known for his meticulous play and consistency, he remains a respected figure in the sport, with a net worth estimated at around $40 million.

In summary, born on August 31, 1971, in Dublin, Pádraig Harrington’s career spans over three decades, marked by major wins, Ryder Cup success, and Hall of Fame recognition, making him a defining name in modern golf.


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Éamon de Valera Sends A Stinging Rebuke to Lloyd George

On August 30, 1921, Éamon de Valera sends a sharp reply to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George as the two sides move closer to formal peace negotiations. The letter comes during a tense period when the British have presented their “Proposals of the British Government for the Irish Settlement” — offering Ireland “within the Empire…in allegiance to His Majesty’s throne” with Northern Ireland’s Unionist government remaining in place, full British naval access, and other imperial arrangements.

De Valera’s response is a stinging rebuke to Lloyd George’s approach. He reiterates Ireland’s determination to be “free from Imperialistic entanglements,” while still offering “reasonable guarantees not inconsistent with Irish sovereignty.” He makes clear that Ireland could enter a treaty of free association with the British Commonwealth but could not accept the British government’s right to “mutilate our country.” This is a direct challenge to the British insistence on loyalty to the Crown and continued imperial ties.

The exchange reflects the core conflict in the talks. The British position requires that Ireland must remain part of the Empire, with some form of association and recognition of the King’s sovereignty. The Irish position maintains that Ireland must be fully independent, with no coercion of Northern Ireland, and with sovereignty intact.

By August 30, both sides have softened their initial positions enough for Lloyd George to send a revised invitation to negotiate in person. De Valera’s letter is part of the diplomatic back-and-forth that culminates in his acceptance of the conference on September 30, 1921, marking the start of the most consequential peace talks in Irish history.

In essence, the August 30 letter is both a political statement and a diplomatic signal — asserting Irish sovereignty while leaving room for a negotiated settlement, and setting the tone for the negotiations that would soon begin.


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Six Free State Soldiers Killed in Three Separate Ambushes

On August 29, 1922, six Irish Free State soldiers are killed in three separate ambushes, reflecting the intense and deadly engagements of the early Irish Civil War period.

The Irish Civil War (June 1922 – May 1923) erupts following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921, which creates the Irish Free State. Pro-Treaty forces, forming the National Army, clash with anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) elements refusing to accept the Treaty. This conflict includes both conventional and guerrilla phases, with August 1922 marking the end of the conventional campaign as Free State forces advance to secure towns in the south and southwest.

On this day, six Free State soldiers are killed in three distinct ambushes. Two soldiers died in Tullamore, County Offaly, one in Macroom, County Cork, and two in an ambush and firefight between Killorglin and Tralee, County Kerry. In Tullamore, Lieutenant Matthew Cullen of the 3rd Southern Division is fatally shot near Bonaterrin Hill, while Lieutenant Leahy is seriously wounded in the same attack. These ambushes are carried out by anti-Treaty forces and demonstrate the difficulties the National Army faces while attempting to secure supply routes and rural areas, even after major towns have fallen under Free State control.

These casualties underscore the dangers posed by guerrilla tactics, including ambushes, during the Irish Civil War. Free State soldiers are often young and inexperienced, and many fatalities occur in such rural confrontations. Despite these losses, the Free State maintains strategic momentum, continuing the offensive that eventually consolidates the new government’s control.

Overall, the Irish Civil War results in roughly 1,426 deaths in the Free State counties, with the National Army sustaining substantial casualties in actions like these ambushes. The conflict’s fatal events, including Tullamore on August 29, illustrate both the human cost of the war and the localized intensity of battles beyond major urban centers.

In summary, August 29, 1922, represents a notable moment in Irish Civil War history, highlighting the lethal impact of ambushes on Free State forces and the challenges of combatting anti-Treaty operations in rural Ireland. These events contribute to the broader struggle to establish the Irish Free State’s authority.

(Pictured: Irish Free State Army, 1922)


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The 6th Louisiana Infantry Regiment Fights in the Second Battle of Bull Run

The 6th Louisiana Infantry Regiment, famously known as the Irish Brigade, is a Confederate States Army unit organized in New Orleans in May 1861 and mustered in June under Colonel Isaac G. Seymour. The regiment is composed largely of Irish immigrants and is part of the Army of Northern Virginia.

From May to June 1862, the 6th Louisiana participates in the Shenandoah Valley Campaign under General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson. By early August, they are assigned to Jackson’s Command within Richard S. Ewell’s Division, Hays’ Brigade. On August 28–30, 1862, they fight at the Second Battle of Bull Run (also called the Second Battle of Manassas) in Prince William County, Virginia.

The battle is part of the Northern Virginia campaign. Union army General John Pope’s Army of Virginia faces Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. On August 28, Jackson attacks a Union column at Brawner’s Farm, drawing Pope’s attention. On August 29, Pope launches assaults on Jackson’s position along an unfinished railroad grade, which are repulsed with heavy casualties. On August 30, General James Longstreet’s arrival and a massive Confederate counterattack forces the Union retreat.

The 6th Louisiana, as part of Jackson’s command, is engaged in the defensive positions along Stony Ridge and in the fighting around the railroad grade. While specific casualty records for the regiment on this date are not detailed in the provided sources, the Irish Brigade is known for its tenacity in defensive and assault roles, and its participation in this battle is part of its service in the Army of Northern Virginia until the war’s end.

Following the Second Battle of Bull Run, the 6th Louisiana continues to serve in the Army of Northern Virginia through the Maryland campaign and other major battles, eventually being consolidated with the 5th and 7th Louisiana Infantry Regiments in November 1864 and mustered out at Appomattox in April 1865.

In summary, on August 28–30, 1862, the 6th Louisiana Infantry (Irish Brigade) fights under Jackson’s command in the Second Battle of Bull Run, contributing to the Confederate victory that allows Lee to invade Maryland.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Ambush Near Glenflesk, County Kerry

Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) units carry out an ambush of Free State troops near Glenflesk, County Kerry, on August 27, 1922, as part of the broader Irish Civil War conflict between the pro-Treaty National Army and the anti-Treaty “Irregulars.”

By mid-August 1922, the Irish Free State, under Michael Collins, has launched a decisive offensive to re-take towns and strongholds in the south and west. The anti-Treaty IRA, led by figures such as Liam Lynch, has been holding areas like County Cork, County Limerick, and much of County Kerry, including Killarney, in defiance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The Free State’s campaign aims to consolidate control over the territory and end the conventional phase of the war.

The ambush at Glenflesk is one of several IRA actions in County Kerry during this period. It occurs as Free State forces advance in the west, seeking to secure supply lines and isolate remaining anti-Treaty strongholds. The Anti-Treaty IRA, using guerrilla tactics, targets convoys and patrols to disrupt Free State operations.

While the exact casualty figures for this specific engagement are not detailed in the available records, such ambushes are part of a wider pattern of republican resistance. In County Kerry alone, Free State forces suffer multiple engagements in August, including a sniper kill at Tralee and ambushes on supply columns.

The Glenflesk ambush reflects the shift from conventional warfare to mobile, hit-and-run tactics by the anti-Treaty IRA after the Free State’s conventional offensives begin. County Kerry remains a contested area, with Killarney and surrounding towns serving as republican bases. Ambushes like this one aim to delay Free State advances and protect supply routes. While the Free State’s overall campaign succeeds in capturing major towns by late August, such ambushes prolong the conflict and keep republican forces active until the “dump arms” order in 1923.

In summary, the Glenflesk ambush of August 27, 1922, is a localized but significant IRA resistance action in County Kerry, emblematic of the guerrilla warfare that follows the Free State’s conventional offensives and contributes to the prolonged nature of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Michael Collins (left) and Liam Lynch (right))


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Founding of the Irish Reform Association

Windham Thomas Wyndham-Quin, 4th Earl of Dunraven and Mount-Earl, an Anglo-Irish Conservative politician, journalist, and landowner, founds the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904. This initiative is part of his broader political engagement in Ireland during a period of significant constitutional and social change.

The Irish Reform Association is established in the early 20th century, a time when Ireland is under British rule and political reform movements are gaining momentum. Lord Dunraven, known for his role in the 1902 Land Conference and his advocacy for Irish interests, seeks to promote reformist policies that will address land tenure, political representation, and constitutional rights for Ireland.

The association aims to support legislative reforms benefiting Irish tenants and landowners, encourage greater political participation and representation for Irish voices in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and counterbalance more radical nationalist or unionist positions with a moderate, reformist platform.

Lord Dunraven has a long career in British politics, serving as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies under Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, in the 1880s and later as a Senator of the Irish Free State from 1922 to 1926. His background as a journalist, soldier, and sportsman give him a broad public profile, and his formation of the Irish Reform Association reflects his interest in bridging political divides and advancing pragmatic reform.

While the Irish Reform Association does not achieve the same long-term prominence as other reform movements, its creation marks Lord Dunraven’s active role in shaping Irish political discourse at a critical juncture. It aligns with his broader efforts to influence Irish policy through both legislative engagement and public advocacy.

In summary, the founding of the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904, is a deliberate political move by Lord Dunraven to advance reformist causes in Ireland, reflecting his commitment to balanced, constructive change within the constitutional framework of the time.


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March Marks First Major Civil Rights Demonstration in Northern Ireland

A nonviolent three‑mile march takes place in County Tyrone on August 24, 1968, marking the first major civil rights demonstration in Northern Ireland. Organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and supported by the Campaign for Social Justice, the march begins in Coalisland and ends in Dungannon.

The protest is a direct response to the Caledon Protest just two months earlier, when Member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland Austin Curriesquats” in a house allocated by the Dungannon Rural District Council to a single, childless Protestant woman employed by a Unionist politician. The house has been given ahead of older married Catholic families with children, highlighting systemic housing discrimination. NICRA’s broader goals include ending gerrymandering, securing a universal franchise, and repealing discriminatory laws.

Around 2,000 people participate in the march, including men, women, and children, carrying banners and holding signs. The march is modeled on civil rights marches in the United States, using nonviolent direct action such as marches and sit‑ins. The atmosphere is initially described as a “holiday” by some participants, with a festive mood until police intervention.

As the march approaches Dungannon’s Market Square, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) orders a ban on entry and a meeting there. Behind the RUC line are 1,500 loyalists armed with cudgels and staves. The anti-civil rights countermarch has been organized by the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) with the help of the Rev. Ian Paisley. Confronted with this massive force, the civil rights marchers merely sit down and listen to a number of speeches, while Paisley and his followers sing sectarian songs and shout abuse from behind the RUC barricades. Police separate the two groups, preventing direct confrontation. On this day, the civil rights marchers escape harm but very soon all that would change.

Paisley rapidly makes a name for himself among hard-line loyalist groups. He later helps form a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA). In the near future, his followers use their cudgels and staves in the streets of the six counties in an attempt to physically beat back the rising tide of the civil rights movement. The cycle of violence in the six counties rapidly spins out of control, and Paisley is one of the individuals driving the surge of violence.

While the march is peaceful and well‑attended, it does not immediately lead to policy changes. It, however, is a pivotal moment in the Northern Ireland civil rights movement, raising national attention to housing discrimination and galvanising further protests, including a later demonstration at Derry Guildhall.

This event is remembered as a symbol of early, nonviolent resistance in Northern Ireland’s struggle for civil and political equality.

(Pictured: The first civil rights procession from Coalisland to Dungannon on August 24, 1968. Photo credit: Belfast Telegraph)


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Death of John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel

John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel, an Anglo-Irish politician and peer, dies on August 23, 1828.

Foster is born in 1740, the son of Anthony Foster, of DunleerCounty Louth, Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer, and Elizabeth Burgh, and inherits Collon House in County Louth, which he greatly improves.

Foster serves as Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland three times — in 1784–1785, 1804–1806, and 1807–1811 — and is the last Speaker of the Irish House of Commons from 1785 until the Acts of Union 1800. He is a prominent figure in Irish politics, representing County Louth for most of his career, and is known for his opposition to the Union, which he sees as politically and personally damaging.

After the Union, in 1801 Foster is returned to the new United Kingdom parliament as a member for County Louth and serves until 1821, when he is created 1st Baron Oriel of Ferrard, County Louth, in the peerage of the United Kingdom. He also holds the title of Privy Councillor (Ireland) in 1799 and later Privy Councillor (UK) in 1786.

Foster marries Margaretta Amelia Burgh in 1764. They have several children, including Thomas Henry Skeffington, 2nd Viscount Ferrard, and Anne Dorothea Foster.

Foster’s tenure as Chancellor of the Exchequer and Speaker is marked by significant financial legislation, including measures that transform Ireland’s agricultural economy by promoting arable farming over pasture. His refusal to surrender the Speaker’s mace after the Union becomes a symbolic act of resistance.

Foster dies on August 23, 1828, leaving behind a legacy as one of the most influential Anglo-Irish statesmen of his era.

(Pictured: The Right Honorable John Foster by Gilbert Stuart, c. 1790-1791 – Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art)