seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Category Archives: Irish History


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Birth of Dessie Ellis, Sinn Féin Politician

Desmond Ellis, Sinn Féin politician who has been a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin North-West constituency since the 2011 Irish general election, is born in Finglas, Dublin, on September 23, 1953.

Ellis is from an Irish republican family, and both of his grandfathers fought in the Easter Rising in 1916. He later owns a television repair business.

Ellis is a former Provisional Irish Republican Army prisoner. He is arrested in 1981, when explosives and bomb making equipment are found under his bed. He is charged with possession of explosives. He jumps bail, but is arrested in Buffalo, New York in February 1982 and extradited to the Republic of Ireland, where in April 1983, he is sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment in Portlaoise Prison. He is convicted of possessing multiple power-timer units for IRA bombs, including those suspected of being used in the Hyde Park and Regent’s Park bombings. In 1983, his fingerprints are found on a huge cache of IRA explosives found in a forest outside the Berkshire town of Pangbourne. The cache is linked to the Harrods and Hyde Park bombings. On November 14, 1990, after thirty-five days on hunger strike, he becomes the first person extradited from the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom under the 1987 Extradition Act. He goes on hunger strike to protest efforts to send him to Britain, but is extradited in the sixth week of his fast. His hunger strike draws considerable domestic and international attention, and at one point Taoiseach Charles Haughey intervenes, asking Ellis’ parents to ask him to give it up, but they refuse. He is acquitted at his trial in London in October 1991.

Ellis is first elected to Dublin City Council in 1999, for the Finglas local electoral area. He unsuccessfully contests the 2002 Irish general election in the Dublin North-West constituency, and receives 4,781 first-preference votes (18.3%). He is again unsuccessful at the 2007 Irish general election in the same constituency, receiving 4,873 votes (15.7%). At the 2011 Irish general election, he is elected to the 31st Dáil with 7,115 (21.7%) of the first-preference votes.

In October 2014, following claims made by Máiría Cahill that she had been raped as a 17-year-old by a member of the Provisional IRA, Ellis states that “If an allegation was made against a volunteer it would have to be investigated [internally]…To be honest they were not qualified to deal with something like sexual abuse”. Based on this, Philip Ryan of the Irish Independent accuses Ellis of admitting that the IRA ran “kangaroo courts.”

In 2015, Ellis refuses to comment on if Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams should distance himself from Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy, an Irish republican found guilty of tax fraud and an allegedly a former IRA Chief of Staff.

At the 2016 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 7,571 (20.5%) of the first-preference votes.

In September 2016, a bill is put forward, which if passed would criminalise hare coursing. Sinn Féin supports the legalisation of hare coursing and decides to apply the party whip. As Ellis opposes it he declines to vote. He defies party instructions by not informing party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh that he will not be taking part in the vote so he could be excused. He is subsequently given a written warning.

In December 2016, during a session of the Dáil, Ellis and his fellow Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris are accused by Fine Gael TD Alan Farrell of having information in relation to the shooting of Brian Stack, the chief prison officer at Portlaoise Prison, in 1983. Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams had just delivered an address to the Dáil in relation to Stack when Farrell rises and uses Dáil privilege to state Gerry Adams had listed Ellis and Ferris as amongst people who may have information about the Stack death in an e-mail to the Garda Commission in February 2014, and ask that the two should also address the Dáil on the matter. Ellis immediately responds by stating, “I refute [sic] any allegations. For the information, the man in question claims to be a solicitor, I was actually in jail for the period. In Portlaoise, and before that in America, so you should check your facts. You’re a disgrace.” Ferris follows Ellis, and states, “On the record of this house; In 2013, I met with gardaí at their request regarding the death of Brian Stack, I co-operated fully with them and I have nothing to answer for, and it’s a disgrace what you have come in here naming. You should be ashamed of yourself.” In December 2016, Ellis states he had received death threats following the exchange in the Dáil.

In February 2018, Ellis is censured by Sinn Féin after he states publicly that fellow party member and councillor for Ballymun Noeleen Reilly is “not fit to represent Sinn Féin” and that she had waged a social media campaign against him. For her part, Reilly is suspended by the party for six months.

At the 2020 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 14,375 first-preference votes (44.4%). He is a poll topper in the 2020 general election along with many Sinn Féin TDs in the 2020 election. He is criticised for joining his supporters singing “Come Out, Ye Black and Tans” at the count, but he dismisses the suggestion it is inappropriate.

At the 2024 Irish general election, Ellis is re-elected to the Dáil.

Ellis is in favour of the abolition of the local property tax. He supports the repealing of the Eighth Amendment, which forbids abortion in the Republic of Ireland. He believes refugees should have the right to work in Ireland and believes the system of direct provision should come to an end.

In 2012, the Irish Independent, citing released internal documents held by the British government that were previously sealed for 30 years, alleges that by 1982 British authorities believe Ellis to be linked to “50 murders” as part of his time in the Provisional IRA. The allegation specifically cites a telegraph from the British embassy in Washington, D.C., to American counterparts in which they claim that Ellis is linked by “forensic evidence to some 50 murders” across Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The Irish Independent claims another document states that Ellis is a “leading member” of the Provisional IRA.

Sinn Féin denounces the allegations as an “Indo Smear” and releases a statement declaring, “This is not the first time such unsubstantiated allegations have been made and Dessie Ellis rejects them as he has repeatedly done. Following a prolonged hunger strike in the 1990s to protest his extradition to Britain, Dessie successfully beat these trumped-up charges in court. Dessie Ellis has made no secret of his involvement in the republican struggle over many decades, including within the ranks of the IRA. Dessie has also been an important persuader for the Peace Process for many years.” Ellis does not make any personal statement on the allegations and refers journalists to Sinn Féin’s official statement.

Ellis is proficient in karate, holding a black belt, and teaches martial arts to young people. He is married to Anne Ellis (née Dunne) with grown up children.


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The Graces of 1626 — Charles I’s Concessions to Ireland

On September 22, 1626, Charles I, king of England, Scotland, and Ireland agrees to offer twenty-six concessions — later expanded to fifty-one articles— to Irish Catholics and landlords in return for £120,000 sterling in subsidies to help fund his army. These concessions become known as “The Graces.”

After the Anglo-Spanish War (1625–1630), Charles needs to maintain troops in Ireland to defend against a possible Spanish invasion. Many Irish Catholics, who had been marginalized under the English Reformation, hope the new Catholic-leaning king will relax anti-Catholic laws. Wealthy Catholic and some Protestant Irish nobles form a committee to petition for reform.

In 1628, at Whitehall, Charles and an Irish delegation (including figures like Luke Plunket, Sir William Talbot, and Sir Lucas Dillon) negotiate fifty-one articles of “Matters of Grace and Bounty.” Key provisions included:

  • Religious freedom: Catholics can take the oath of allegiance instead of the oath of supremacy, which excludes them from public office.
  • Land rights: Defects of title will not be traced beyond 60 years, securing estates for those with long-standing claims.
  • Restraint on oppression: Limits on abuses by soldiers and officials.
  • Confirmation of titles: Especially in Connacht.

The subsidies are to be paid in three yearly installments. The Graces are intended to secure loyalty from Irish Catholics and landlords by restoring their legal and public rights, while also funding Charles’s military needs.

Although the Graces are proclaimed and the first payment made, Lord Deputy of Ireland Thomas Wentworth (appointed 1632) and later Lord Falkland (1629–1633) refuse to summon the Irish Parliament to ratify them. This means the concessions are never formally confirmed, leaving Catholics hopeful but without legal security. The unratified Graces contribute to later unrest, including the Irish Rebellion of 1641.

In summary, the September 22, 1626, agreement is a pivotal moment in Irish–English relations, offering significant religious and property concessions in exchange for military funding — but its failure to secure parliamentary ratification leaves its benefits unenforced.


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The Fall of the Norse Kingdom of Dublin

On September 21, 1170, the Kingdom of Dublin, a Norse-Gaelic stronghold established by Viking settlers in the 9th century, falls to a combined force of Diarmait Mac Murchada (Dermot MacMurrough), the deposed King of Leinster, and Norman mercenaries led by Richard de Clare, 2nd Earl of Pembroke (“Strongbow”).

In 1167, MacMurrough is ousted from Leinster by the High King of Ireland, Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, and seeks help from King Henry II of England to regain his throne. In 1169, Strongbow lands in Ireland with Anglo-Norman and Cambro-Norman troops, initially capturing Wexford and Waterford. Dublin is a key Norse-Gaelic power center and a major trading hub, making it a prime objective for Norman expansion.

After securing Wexford and Waterford, MacMurrough and Strongbow march on Dublin, bypassing an Irish force under Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair positioned south of the city. They take a northern route, attacking from an unexpected direction, catching the defenders off guard. The assault is swift and decisive, leading to the capture of Dublin.

Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin, and many Norse inhabitants flee by sea to the Hebrides or the Isle of Man. The fall marks the effective end of centuries of Norse political dominance in Ireland.

Dublin becomes a Norman stronghold, facilitating further expansion into Ireland and setting the stage for Henry II’s 1171 invasion to assert English control. The conquest introduces Norman feudalism, chivalry, and Roman Catholicism to Ireland, altering its political, cultural, and religious landscape for centuries.

This event is a turning point in Irish history, symbolizing the close of the Viking era and the dawn of Norman influence on the island.


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Death of Leo Rowsome, Renowned Irish Uilleann Piper

Leo Rowsome, renowned Irish uilleann piper, teacher, and pipe maker, dies on September 20, 1970. He is celebrated for his virtuosity and contributions to Irish traditional music.

Rowsome, born Martin Leo Rowsome on April 5, 1903, in Harold’s Cross, Dublin, is the third son among seven sons and one daughter of William Rowsome, a carpenter, and Bridget Ann Rowsome (née Murphy). He comes from a distinguished line of uilleann pipers. His grandfather, Samuel Rowsome, ensures that his sons receive formal musical training from a German teacher in Ferns, County Wexford. Observing his father’s craftsmanship, he learns the art of pipe making and instrument repair from an early age.

Rowsome’s talent develops rapidly, and by 1919, at the age of sixteen, he is appointed teacher of the uilleann pipes at Dublin’s Municipal School of Music (now Dublin Institute of Technology Conservatory of Music and Drama), a position he holds for fifty years. He also teaches at Dublin’s Pipers’ Club, where he is a founder member and president, contributing to the formation of Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann in 1950.

He is the first uilleann piper to perform on Irish National Radio in the early 1920s, both solo and in duets with other musicians, and later performs with his “All Ireland Trio.” He is a multiple All-Ireland prizewinner in the 1920s and frequently broadcasts lectures on piping, helping preserve and promote traditional Irish music.

Rowsome is also a master pipe maker and reed maker, known for his meticulous craftsmanship and ability to maintain instruments in perfect tune. His workshop in Dublin is a hub of creativity, where he combines traditional knowledge from his father and grandfather with his own innovations. He trains numerous pupils, including notable musicians like Paddy Moloney and Liam O’Flynn, ensuring the continuation of the uilleann piping tradition.

Rowsome dies suddenly while adjudicating The Fiddler of Dooney Competition in Riverstown, County Sligo, on September 20, 1970. To commemorate the centennial of his birth in 2003, his daughter, Helena Grimes, has some of his original manuscripts published by Waltons; “The Leo Rowsome Collection of Irish Music” consists of 428 reels, jigs, airs, and hornpipes.

Rowsome is remembered as a cheerful, patient, and dedicated father, who creates a lively and musical household. His daughter recalls the vibrant atmosphere of his workshop and the care he took in crafting and testing his instruments.

Rowsome’s style is free and flowing, leaving a lasting impact on contemporary Irish music and uilleann piping. He is one of the last of a small group of traditional pipe makers, and his expertise in tuning, reed making, and performance has been widely celebrated. Even decades after his death his name remains synonymous with the uilleann pipes and Irish musical heritage.


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Death of David Cook, Founding Member of the Alliance Party

David Somerville Cook, English-born solicitor and politician, dies on September 19, 2020, at Craigavon Area Hospital in Portadown, Craigavon, County Armagh, Northern Ireland.

Cook is a founding member of the nonsectarian, liberal-centre Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He serves on Belfast City Council from 1973 to 1986, and in 1978 he becomes the first non-Unionist Lord Mayor of Belfast since 1898. He is elected as a member of the Northern Ireland Assembly of 1982 and serves on that body until its abolishment in 1986. He is appointed Chair of the Police Authority of Northern Ireland in 1994 and holds that position until his resignation from the role in 1996.

Cook is born on January 25, 1944, to Francis John Granville Cook and Jocelyn McKay (née Stewart) in Leicester, England. As a child, he moves to Northern Ireland with his parents and sisters after his father is appointed headmaster of Campbell College in 1954.

Cook works as a solicitor, eventually becoming a senior partner at Sheldon and Stewart Solicitors.

In 1970, Cook is a founder member of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI), a nonsectarian party, while he is elected to the party’s Central Executive in 1971.

Cook is elected to Belfast City Council in 1973, a position he holds until 1985. In 1978, he becomes the first non-Unionist Lord Mayor of Belfast since William James Pirrie, a Home Rule Liberal, in 1896–1898.

Cook stands for APNI in Belfast South in the February 1974 United Kingdom general election, taking just under 10% of the vote. He is able to improve to 27% of the vote at the 1982 Belfast South by-election. Following this, he wins a seat on the Northern Ireland Assembly representing Belfast South.

In the 1983 United Kingdom general election, 1986 Belfast South by-election and 1987 United Kingdom general election, Cook consistently wins over 20% of the votes cast in Belfast South. He also stands for Alliance in the 1984 European Parliament election, but takes only 4% of the vote. From 1980 to 1984, he serves as the Deputy Leader of APNI.

In 1994, Cook becomes the Chairman of the Police Authority of Northern Ireland, but he is sacked from this role in 1996 after losing a vote of confidence. After a critical account of his role in an internal row in that authority appears in newspapers in 1998, he undertakes a lengthy libel case which is ultimately settled out of court. He subsequently sits on the Craigavon Health and Social Services Trust.

On September 20, 2020, it is announced that Cook has died after being diagnosed with COVID-19 during the pandemic. According to his family, he dies on September 19, 2020, at Craigavon Area Hospital. He had had a stroke two years before. He is survived by his wife Fionnuala, his sisters Alison and Nora, his daughter Barbary, his sons John, Patrick, Julius, and Dominic, and his granddaughters Romy and Imogen.


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Death of Anne Devlin, Renowned Irish Republican

Anne Devlin, an Irish republican renowned for her unwavering loyalty to Robert Emmet during the 1803 rebellion, enduring torture and imprisonment for her refusal to betray her comrades, dies in Dublin on September 18, 1851.

Devlin is born in 1780 in Cronebeg, near Aughrim, County Wicklow, the second of four daughters and three sons of Bryan and Winifred (née Byrne) Devlin, who are Catholics engaged in farming. Her father and several relatives are members of the Society of United Irishmen, advocating for Irish independence. Though she and her immediate family do not initially participate in the Irish Rebellion of 1798, they provide shelter and assistance to rebels, and their home is destroyed by Crown forces, while her father is imprisoned until 1801.

After the family moves to Rathfarnham, Dublin, Devln becomes the housekeeper for Robert Emmet in April 1803, providing cover for his Dublin operations planning a nationalist uprising. She actively aids the United Irishmen by arranging meetings, transporting arms, and acting as a messenger to insurgent forces, notably her cousin Michael Dwyer in the Wicklow Mountains. The rebellion carefully orchestrated for July 23, 1803, collapses due to inadequate popular support and confusion among the rebels.

Following the failed uprising, Devlin and her family are arrested. She endures brutal interrogation by Major Henry Charles Sirr and is subjected to half-hanging, solitary confinement, and threats against her family, yet she refuses to reveal any critical information about Emmet or other conspirators. She spends over two years in Kilmainham Gaol and, despite her endurance, her health is permanently affected. She is released in 1806 after sustained lobbying and public outrage over her mistreatment.

After her release, Devlin works as a maid and laundress, initially assisted by the Emmet family and their acquaintances. She marries William Campbell in 1811, though she experiences increasing poverty after his death in 1845. She continues to be remembered for her courage, and her experiences are recorded by historians and contemporaries such as Dr. Richard Robert Madden and Brother Luke Cullen, preserving her memoirs and accounts of her revolutionary involvement.

Devlin dies on September 18, 1851, in Dublin and is interred at Glasnevin Cemetery, later commemorated with a monument and Celtic cross.

Devlin is widely celebrated as Ireland’s first female political prisoner and a symbol of loyalty and courage. A statue in Rathfarnham, annual memorial services in Dublin’s St. Catherine’s Church, and the naming of community centers in her honor (e.g., Anne Devlin Community Centre, 2026) reflect her enduring impact. Her life has inspired literature and film, including Pat Murphy‘s 1984 movie Anne Devlin, which portrays her perspective during the Emmet rebellion. She is credited in James Joyce’s short story “A Mother” as a model for the character Mrs. Kearney.

Anne Devlin’s life embodies courage, steadfast nationalism, and sacrifice. She actively supports Robert Emmet and the United Irishmen, suffers imprisonment without betrayal, and faces lifelong hardship, yet remains commemorated as a heroine of Irish independence.

(Pictured: Anne Devlin statue in Rathfarnham, Dublin)


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Irish Battalion of St. Patrick Fights Piedmontese Force at Spoleto

On September 17, 1860, units of the Irish Battalion of St. Patrick of the Papal army, commanded by Captain Myles O’Reilly from County Louth, fights a Piedmontese force under General Brignone at Spoleto, Italy.

By 1860, the Papal States are under threat from King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont and Giuseppe Garibaldi’s “Redshirts” during the Wars of Italian Unification. Pope Pius IX has called for Catholic volunteers from Europe, and within weeks over 1,000 Irishmen have enlisted, forming the Irish Battalion. They are poorly equipped and inexperienced, but their morale is high.

The Irish are stationed at Spoleto, a walled city south of Florence with the fortress of Rocca on a hill. On September 16, Brignone’s forces arrive and demand surrender. O’Reilly refuses, and on the following day the Piedmontese launch an assault.

The Irish are tasked with defending the North Wall and the Gate House of the Castle Albornozian. The attackers endure prolonged artillery fire from the fortress walls. When the famed Bersaglieri advance, they are met with a withering musket and rifle fire from the Irish, halting the attack. The Irish hold their ground for fourteen hours under constant bombardment.

Despite their resistance, the bishop of Spoleto, alarmed by the destruction and loss of life, arranges a ceasefire. O’Reilly, nearly out of ammunition, sends a Papal representative to Brignone. Terms are agreed: the Irish can march out as prisoners, with officers retaining their swords.

Brignone praises O’Reilly as “both honourable and brave.” Each officer and enlisted man receives a Medaglia di Pro Petri Sede (“Medal for the Seat of Saint Peter”), and all are declared “meritorious of the Catholic Church, the Holy See and all human society.”

The battle is part of the short 1860 war in which the Papal army, including the Irish Battalion, fight at Ancona, Perugia, Spoleto, and Castelfidardo. Though ultimately defeated, the Irish earn high praise for their courage and discipline.

(Pictured: The Company of Saint Patrick in the Papal Army, 1860)


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British Double Agent John Henry Gooding Offers to Betray His Superior to the IRA

On September 16, 1920, the British double agent John Henry Gooding, operating under the alias F. Digby Hardy, makes a dramatic overture to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Hardy, a habitual criminal with a long record of forgery, fraud, and petty crime, has been recruited by British intelligence to infiltrate the IRA’s intelligence network and capture Michael Collins.

Born in 1868 in Devonport, Plymouth, England, Hardy has a troubled life marked by multiple imprisonments, bigamy, and a career in petty crime. After deserting the Royal Navy in 1888, he adopts the alias “Frank Hall” and lives in Surrey before moving to London. By 1920, he is a known criminal with a five-year fraud sentence in 1918, partially served until his release in 1919.

Hardy approaches IRA intelligence, offering to betray his British superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. The plan is for him to infiltrate the IRA’s network and hand over information on Collins. However, the operation is foiled when Arthur Griffith, a leading Irish republican, intercepts Hardy’s mission.

Griffith arranges a staged meeting in Dublin attended by international journalists. Hardy is confronted and, upon presentation of evidence, confesses his mission and criminal background. The exposure embarrasses British intelligence and draws international attention.

Rather than being executed, Hardy is given until the next morning to leave Ireland. He flees, resuming petty crimes until his death in 1930. The September 16, 1920 incident becomes a notable example of how British intelligence’s reliance on unreliable agents could backfire during the Irish War of Independence.

In summary, on September 16, 1920, F. Digby Hardy (John Henry Gooding) attempts to betray his British handler to the IRA, but is exposed and forced to flee Dublin after being misled by Arthur Griffith into revealing his mission to reporters.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Attacks Free State Troops in Dundalk & Seize Power Station

On September 15, 1922, in the context of the Irish Civil War, the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) launches coordinated attacks on Free State troops in Dundalk, County Louth. These actions are part of a broader campaign by anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State government, which has accepted the Anglo-Irish Treaty and is backed by the pro-Treaty National Army.

The Irish Civil War (June 28, 1922 – May 24, 1923) is fought between Pro-Treaty forces (led by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith) who support the Anglo-Irish Treaty, creating the Irish Free State within the British Empire and  Anti-Treaty IRA (led by Éamon de Valera and Liam Lynch) who reject the Treaty, seeing it as a betrayal of the 1919 Irish Republic.

By mid-1922, the Free State controls only Dublin and parts of the east, while anti-Treaty forces hold much of the south and west, including Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, forming the self-styled “Munster Republic.”

On September 15, 1922, Anti-Treaty IRA units in Dundalk attack Free State troops stationed in the area and seize control of the local power station, cutting off the town’s electricity supply.

This is a typical example of anti-Treaty tactics: using sabotage and localized attacks to disrupt Free State operations, weaken their hold on territory, and maintain control over key infrastructure. Such actions are part of a wider pattern of resistance in areas not yet recaptured by the National Army.

While Dundalk is not a major strategic city, the attack reflects the guerrilla and sabotage phase of the Civil War, which follows the Free State’s July–September 1922 offensive that retakes major towns in Munster and the west. The Free State’s victory in that offensive ends the conventional phase, but anti-Treaty forces continue to resist through hit-and-run raids, sabotage, and control of rural areas.

In summary, the Dundalk incident of September 15, 1922, is a localized but symbolic act of anti-Treaty resistance, illustrating the ongoing struggle to control infrastructure and disrupt Free State operations in the months after the decisive military phase of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Dundalk, County Louth, in the early 20th century)


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The Blanket Protest Begins at Maze Prison

The Blanket Protest begins on September 14, 1976, in the H-Blocks of HM Prison Maze (also known as Long Kesh Detention Centre) in Northern Ireland, initiated by Kieran Nugent (pictured), the first republican convicted under the new regime after the British government’s decision to end Special Category Status.

Special Category Status, introduced in 1972 after a 35‑day hunger strike by Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners, grants convicted paramilitary offenders the rights and treatment of prisoners of war — no prison uniforms, no forced labour, and separate accommodation. In March 1976, the British government announces that those convicted after March 1, 1976, will lose this status and be treated as ordinary criminals. They are to be moved from the “Cages” to the newly built H‑Blocks, designed to enforce the policy of criminalisation and to portray republicans as common criminals.

On September 14, 1976, Nugent refuses to wear the prison uniform, instead wrapping himself in a blanket. This act of defiance quickly spreads: other IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners join, refusing to wear uniforms and sometimes going naked. The protest is a peaceful civil disobedience campaign aimed at restoring political prisoner status and rejecting the criminalisation of republicans.

The British authorities enforce uniform compliance through cell confinement and deny association rights. In response, the protest evolves into the “dirty protest” (also called the “no‑wash protest”) in 1978, where prisoners refuse to shower or use lavatories, smear walls with excrement, and defecate in cells to protest perceived brutality and denial of political recognition.

The Blanket Protest becomes a key phase in the prison struggle during the Troubles, symbolising the refusal to accept the criminalisation of political prisoners. It sets the stage for the 1980–1981 hunger strikes, which draw international attention and result in ten deaths, including Bobby Sands, who is elected to Parliament during his fast.

In summary, the September 14, 1976, start of the Blanket Protest marks the beginning of a sustained campaign of non‑violent resistance by republican prisoners to defend their political prisoner status against the British government’s criminalisation policy.