On September 7, 1990, UDR soldier Colin McCullough is shot dead by the IRA while in the company of his girlfriend at Oxford Island on the shore of Lough Neagh in the same area as the November 10 ambush. On October 6, in a revenge attack, the “Protestant Action Force” (a cover name for the Ulster Volunteer Force) shoots dead Catholic man Denis Carville at the same location, also while sitting in his car with his girlfriend.
At 7:30 a.m. on November 10, 1990, the four men leave home for Castor Bay on the shore of Lough Neagh for a wildfowling trip. Their early morning hunting excursions to the Department of the Environment-managed waterworks compound are routine and all of the men live in the Lurgan and Waringstown areas. It is believed the IRA team are waiting for the group inside the compound and ambush them shortly following their arrival.
The victims were David Murphy, an RUC Special Branch Inspector; Thomas Taylor, a part-time RUC Reservist; Norman Kendall, an electrician and former UDR soldier; and Keith Dowey, an employee with the Department of the Environment water service and father of two young children.
According to a 2000 report, the goal of the IRA unit, apparently members of the North Armagh Brigade led by the late Patsy Haughian, is only to abduct and interrogate Murphy about collusion between the RUC and loyalist militants, but things go wrong when Kendall and Dowey arrive at the scene in a car. Dowey, the driver, is shot and killed instantly, but there is evidence that Kendall puts up some resistance before being slain. Taylor produces his personal weapon and shoots at the assailants, but is cut down by a hail of fire. Murphy struggles and manages to avoid being bundled into the vehicle, but is eventually killed by Haughian. After the hunting party fails to appear at lunch time the alarm is raised. It is initially feared they have been kidnapped but four bodies are accounted for. The gunmen escape in one of the victim’s cars which is later found partially burned out at Brownlow Terrace, Lurgan. The IRA unit then hides in a house on the shores of the lake before returning to Lurgan the following morning.
The attack is widely condemned by politicians in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Unionist politicians call for tougher security measures. Local Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MPDavid Trimble criticises Secretary of StatePeter Brooke for ruling out the introduction of internment without trial in response to the incident and other killings in the preceding weeks and links the attack to a landmark speech given by Brooke the previous day signaling to the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin that Britain has no “selfish strategic or economic interest” in Northern Ireland. RUC Chief Constable Hugh Annesley visits the scene of the shootings and describes the attack as “repulsive, futile and cowardly murder” and says, “it is important to say yet again that the terrorists have no mandate from either Protestant or Catholic, north or south of the Irish border for such atrocities.”
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) representative Bríd Rodgers categorises the killings as part of an ongoing cycle of so-called “tit for tat” murders and urges anyone with information to contact the police. A message is read at Mass in Lurgan following the attack from the Bishop of Dromore and local priests warning Catholics to take precautions for their safety because of the risk of revenge attacks by Loyalists.
The alleged leader of the IRA squad, Patsy Haughian, dies of cancer at age 38 in October 2000. He is never formally accused of the killings.
Currie becomes a key figure in Northern Ireland’s civil rights movement. On June 20, 1968, he famously occupies a council house in Caledon, County Tyrone, in protest of housing discrimination that favors Protestants over Catholic families. This act of civil disobedience helps catalyze the first major civil rights marches in Northern Ireland, including the August 24, 1968, Dungannon march, and highlights systemic inequalities in housing and public services.
At age 24, Currie was elected as a Nationalist PartyMP for East Tyrone in the Parliament of Northern Ireland in 1964, becoming one of its youngest members. He retains this seat in subsequent elections until the suspension of the Parliament in 1972. In 1970, he co-founds the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) with figures like John Hume and Gerry Fitt, promoting constitutional nationalism, social democracy, and cross-community cooperation. He serves as SDLP Chief Whip and briefly as Minister for Housing, Local Government, and Planning in the short-lived 1974 Northern Ireland Executive, which collapses amid unionist opposition and a strike by the Ulster Workers’ Council. Despite numerous attacks on his home and assaults on his family during the Troubles, he maintains a commitment to non-violent politics and cross-community dialogue.
After relocating to County Kildare due to the threats and violence in Northern Ireland, Currie joins the Fine Gael party in 1989. He is elected as Teachta Dála (TD) for Dublin West, serving from 1989 to 2002. In 1990, he runs for the Irish presidency, receiving approximately 17% of first-preference votes and being eliminated in the first count, leading to Mary Robinson winning as Ireland’s first female president. From 1994 to 1997, he is appointed Minister of State responsible for Children’s Rights, becoming the first Irish government minister with dedicated responsibilities for children.
Currie marries Annita Lynch in 1968, with whom he has five children, including Emer Currie, who is elected to the Dáil in the same constituency in 2024. He endures multiple threats and attacks during the Troubles, reflecting his dedication to confronting sectarian violence and discrimination. He continues to campaign for civil rights and justice for victims of the Troubles even after retiring from electoral politics in 2002. He publishes an autobiography, All Hell Will Break Loose, in 2004, detailing his political life and experiences.
Currie dies on November 9, 2021, at his residence in Derrymullen, County Kildare, at the age of 82. He is buried at St. Malachy Church Graveyard in Dungannon, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. He is remembered as a courageous advocate for civil rights, a co-founder of the SDLP, and a pioneering politician in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
On November 5, 1940, British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill addresses the House of Commons of the United Kingdom to report on Britain’s wartime situation after six months in office. While the speech’s main focus is on the resilience of British cities and the ongoing Battle of Britain, he does note the loss of certain overseas ports, including Irish ones, as part of the broader context of Allied shipping losses and strategic vulnerability, bemoaning the fact that the Irish ports had been returned to the Republic of Ireland government in 1938.
Churchill becomes Prime Minister on May 10, 1940, following the fall of France and the evacuation at Dunkirk. By late November, Britain is engaged in the Battle of Britain, with the Luftwaffe targeting industrial centres and ports across the country. The night before the speech, November 4, is the first night in eight weeks without air raids over London, but the Luftwaffe has shifted focus to other strategic locations.
While the Hansard record for November 5, 1940 does not list Irish ports by name, Churchill’s remarks on shipping losses and the vulnerability of ports are part of his broader assessment of the war’s impact on Britain’s global trade and naval operations. “The fact that we cannot use the South and West Coasts of Ireland to refuel our flotillas and aircraft and thus protect the trade by which Ireland as well as Great Britain lives, is a most heavy and grievous burden and one which should never have been placed on our shoulders, broad though they be.”
Military losses of approximately 300 killed and 500 wounded.
Minimal infrastructure damage to vital services like water, fuel, electricity, and gas.
There are challenges in transportation but they are improving.
Extensive plans are underway for shelters and winter preparations.
The mention of Irish ports in Churchill’s speech underscores the global nature of the war and the strategic importance of Ireland as a neutral but vital Allied base. The loss of such ports would have implications for naval operations, supply routes, and Britain’s ability to sustain its war effort.
To read the full text of Churchill’s November 5, 1940 speech, it is preserved in the National Churchill Museum’s 1940 speeches collection and in the UK Parliament’s Hansard archives.
This move comes amid deep political tensions over decommissioning and Sinn Féin’s role in the peace process. The GFA requires both the UK and Irish governments to ratify the agreement, and the Northern Ireland Assembly to function under a power sharing Executive. However, progress on decommissioning — the disarmament of paramilitary groups — has stalled, and Sinn Féin’s participation in cross‑border talks is seen by some Unionists as a political liability.
The dispute reflects broader disagreements over:
Sinn Féin’s political legitimacy in the peace process.
Unionist concerns about the Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) continued armed activities.
Irish government and nationalist demands for full political inclusion.
The UK Government’s attempt to restrict Sinn Féin’s cross‑border participation is a direct challenge to the GFA’s principle of inclusive political engagement. It underscores the fragility of the peace process, as even the most carefully negotiated agreements can be undermined by procedural disputes and mistrust between parties.
This episode is part of a wider period of implementation challenges after the GFA’s signing, where political disagreements over disarmament, decommissioning, and cross‑border cooperation often threaten to paralyse the Assembly.
On October 29, 1953, the Health Act, 1953 (No. 26 of 1953) is enacted in Ireland, providing the legal framework for a free mother-and-child healthcare scheme. The Act is the culmination of years of political and social debate over healthcare reform, particularly in response to high infant mortality rates and the influence of the Catholic Church in health provision.
The Act establishes comprehensive health services for mothers and children, including: medical care for mothers (Section 16), infant welfare services (Section 17), child welfare services (Section 18), maternity cash grants (Section 23), milk for mothers and children (Section 24) and dental, ophthalmic, and aural services for children and a middle-income group (Sections 20–21).
The Act also creates arrangements for institutional and specialist services, school health examinations, and regulations for service provision.
The scheme, referred to in legislation as the Mother and Child Service, is designed to ensure free healthcare for mothers and children, addressing gaps in the Irish healthcare system after the Irish Free State era. It is influenced by international trends, such as the United Kingdom’s National Health Service, and aims to reduce infant mortality and improve maternal health.
However, the scheme becomes politically contentious in the early 1950s, with the Roman Catholic Church objecting to state control over hospitals and schools, which are under its ownership. These tensions delay implementation until the Act’s passage in 1953.
The Health Act, 1953 marks a major step in Ireland’s move toward a more centralized, state-led healthcare system. It lays the foundation for universal access to maternal and child health services, a model that influences later reforms in the Republic of Ireland.
In summary, on October 29, 1953, the Health Act, 1953 is passed, enacting a free mother-and-child healthcare scheme that expands state-provided medical, welfare, and nutritional services for mothers and children, despite earlier political and religious opposition.
The LFA is established to promote and organize association football in the Irish province of Leinster, an area outside the traditional Ulster heartlands of the sport. The founding meeting is attended by representatives of five football clubs: Dublin University A.F.C., Bohemian F.C., Leinster Nomads A.F.C., Montpelier F.C., and St. Helen’s School F.C. Rev. Canon Morley of St. Helen’s School chairs the meeting, and Dudley T. Hussey of Bohemians is appointed the first honorary secretary.
Shortly after its creation, the LFA affiliates with the Belfast-based Irish Football Association (IFA), which donates £50 to support the new association. The LFA quickly organizes its first Leinster Senior Cup in the 1892–93 season, with Leinster Nomads defeating Dublin University 2–1 in the inaugural final. Soon after, the Leinster Senior League is formed, featuring clubs such as Bohemians, Britannia, Dublin University, Leinster Nomads, Phoenix, and Montpelier.
The primary aim of the LFA is to foster football in Leinster at a time when the sport is largely concentrated in Ulster. It becomes a key driver in promoting amateur and youth football, organizing leagues, and holding cup competitions for clubs across the province.
The LFA eventually becomes disaffiliated from the IFA in 1921 due to disputes over perceived Belfast bias, Sunday matches, and differences in focus between amateur and professional football. This leads directly to the establishment of the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) in September 1921, in which the LFA plays a leading role.
In summary, the Leinster Football Association’s founding in 1892 marks the beginning of organized football governance in southern Ireland, overseeing competitions and nurturing clubs outside Ulster, and its establishment remains a key milestone in Irish football history.
Progressing the Peace Process – the parties are consolidating steps needed to establish Northern Ireland’s new devolved Assembly, following the Good Friday Agreement signed in April 1998.
Confirming Executive Arrangements and Cross-Community Cooperation – discussion focuses on how the new Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive can function on a cross-community basis, ensuring Unionist and Nationalist representation in governance and decision-making.
Addressing the Controversial Role of the Queen – newly declassified documents show that Tony Blair and Secretary of State for Northern IrelandMo Mowlam explored whether Queen Elizabeth II should officially open the new Assembly, a sensitive question due to nationalist perception. They propose consulting privately with Seamus Mallon before final decisions are made with David Trimble.
Ensuring the Implementation of Key Good Friday Agreement Provisions – including Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning of weapons, parity in representation for Unionists and Nationalists in the Assembly, and planning for the full transfer of powers from the UK Government to the Assembly, which is scheduled for December 1999.
Key outcomes and discussions coming out of the meeting include:
Commitment to Institutions: Blair, Trimble, and Mallon agree on the importance of setting up a shadow Assembly that can transition to full devolved powers once cross-party agreements are stable.
Cross-Community Provisions: Blair emphasizes that sensitive issues require cross-community approval in the Assembly, warning that majority-rule-only systems could lead to collapse if abused.
International Support: George Mitchell, as U.S. envoy, reaffirms American support for the peace process and encourages local leaders to uphold commitments.
Political Sensitivities of the Queen’s Role: Blair and Mowlam note the potential nationalist backlash if the Queen’s presence is prominent, suggesting alternative ceremonial openings.
Security and Prisoner Issues: Discussions also cover paramilitary decommissioning, with particular concern over Sinn Féin and IRA compliance to allow the formation of the shadow Executive safely.
The meeting is part of a broader diplomatic effort. It occurs after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (April 10, 1998) but before formal referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approving the Agreement (May 22 and 23, 1998). It highlights the delicate balancing act between Unionists and Nationalists, the role of the UK and Irish governments, and international mediation, notably from the U.S. via George Mitchell.
Declassified documents at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) in Belfast detail concerns over cross-community decision-making and the Queen’s status in ceremonial openings. The CAIN: Irish Peace Process Chronology confirms Blair, Trimble, and Mallon are engaging in preparatory discussions to implement the Agreement’s provisions and ensure the Assembly’s initial functionality. U.S. involvement through George Mitchell underscores the international commitment to maintaining peace and political stability during the transitional period.
In summary, the September 27, 1998 meeting is a crucial step in operationalizing the Good Friday Agreement, demonstrating cooperative leadership among British, Unionist, and Nationalist figures, with strategic oversight from the United States. It sets the stage for the new Northern Ireland Assembly, addressing ceremonial, legislative, and security challenges central to the successful devolution of powers.
Key participants demonstrate cautious diplomacy, foresight in cross-community governance, and recognition of the international dimension crucial to Northern Ireland’s peace process.
(Pictured: (L to R) David Trimble, George Mitchell and Seamus Mallon)
Ellis is from an Irish republican family, and both of his grandfathers fought in the Easter Rising in 1916. He later owns a television repair business.
Ellis is a former Provisional Irish Republican Army prisoner. He is arrested in 1981, when explosives and bomb making equipment are found under his bed. He is charged with possession of explosives. He jumps bail, but is arrested in Buffalo, New York in February 1982 and extradited to the Republic of Ireland, where in April 1983, he is sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment in Portlaoise Prison. He is convicted of possessing multiple power-timer units for IRA bombs, including those suspected of being used in the Hyde Park and Regent’s Park bombings. In 1983, his fingerprints are found on a huge cache of IRA explosives found in a forest outside the Berkshire town of Pangbourne. The cache is linked to the Harrods and Hyde Park bombings. On November 14, 1990, after thirty-five days on hunger strike, he becomes the first person extradited from the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom under the 1987 Extradition Act. He goes on hunger strike to protest efforts to send him to Britain, but is extradited in the sixth week of his fast. His hunger strike draws considerable domestic and international attention, and at one point TaoiseachCharles Haughey intervenes, asking Ellis’ parents to ask him to give it up, but they refuse. He is acquitted at his trial in London in October 1991.
Ellis is first elected to Dublin City Council in 1999, for the Finglas local electoral area. He unsuccessfully contests the 2002 Irish general election in the Dublin North-West constituency, and receives 4,781 first-preference votes (18.3%). He is again unsuccessful at the 2007 Irish general election in the same constituency, receiving 4,873 votes (15.7%). At the 2011 Irish general election, he is elected to the 31st Dáil with 7,115 (21.7%) of the first-preference votes.
In October 2014, following claims made by Máiría Cahill that she had been raped as a 17-year-old by a member of the Provisional IRA, Ellis states that “If an allegation was made against a volunteer it would have to be investigated [internally]…To be honest they were not qualified to deal with something like sexual abuse”. Based on this, Philip Ryan of the Irish Independent accuses Ellis of admitting that the IRA ran “kangaroo courts.”
In September 2016, a bill is put forward, which if passed would criminalise hare coursing. Sinn Féin supports the legalisation of hare coursing and decides to apply the party whip. As Ellis opposes it he declines to vote. He defies party instructions by not informing party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh that he will not be taking part in the vote so he could be excused. He is subsequently given a written warning.
In December 2016, during a session of the Dáil, Ellis and his fellow Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris are accused by Fine Gael TD Alan Farrell of having information in relation to the shooting of Brian Stack, the chief prison officer at PortlaoisePrison, in 1983. Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams had just delivered an address to the Dáil in relation to Stack when Farrell rises and uses Dáil privilege to state Gerry Adams had listed Ellis and Ferris as amongst people who may have information about the Stack death in an e-mail to the Garda Commission in February 2014, and ask that the two should also address the Dáil on the matter. Ellis immediately responds by stating, “I refute [sic] any allegations. For the information, the man in question claims to be a solicitor, I was actually in jail for the period. In Portlaoise, and before that in America, so you should check your facts. You’re a disgrace.” Ferris follows Ellis, and states, “On the record of this house; In 2013, I met with gardaí at their request regarding the death of Brian Stack, I co-operated fully with them and I have nothing to answer for, and it’s a disgrace what you have come in here naming. You should be ashamed of yourself.” In December 2016, Ellis states he had received death threats following the exchange in the Dáil.
In February 2018, Ellis is censured by Sinn Féin after he states publicly that fellow party member and councillor for Ballymun Noeleen Reilly is “not fit to represent Sinn Féin” and that she had waged a social media campaign against him. For her part, Reilly is suspended by the party for six months.
At the 2020 Irish general election Ellis is again elected with 14,375 first-preference votes (44.4%). He is a poll topper in the 2020 general election along with many Sinn Féin TDs in the 2020 election. He is criticised for joining his supporters singing “Come Out, Ye Black and Tans” at the count, but he dismisses the suggestion it is inappropriate.
In 2012, the Irish Independent, citing released internal documents held by the British government that were previously sealed for 30 years, alleges that by 1982 British authorities believe Ellis to be linked to “50 murders” as part of his time in the Provisional IRA. The allegation specifically cites a telegraph from the British embassy in Washington, D.C., to American counterparts in which they claim that Ellis is linked by “forensic evidence to some 50 murders” across Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The Irish Independent claims another document states that Ellis is a “leading member” of the Provisional IRA.
Sinn Féin denounces the allegations as an “Indo Smear” and releases a statement declaring, “This is not the first time such unsubstantiated allegations have been made and Dessie Ellis rejects them as he has repeatedly done. Following a prolonged hunger strike in the 1990s to protest his extradition to Britain, Dessie successfully beat these trumped-up charges in court. Dessie Ellis has made no secret of his involvement in the republican struggle over many decades, including within the ranks of the IRA. Dessie has also been an important persuader for the Peace Process for many years.” Ellis does not make any personal statement on the allegations and refers journalists to Sinn Féin’s official statement.
Ellis is proficient in karate, holding a black belt, and teaches martial arts to young people. He is married to Anne Ellis (née Dunne) with grown up children.
By 1947, de Valera’s government has begun drafting legislation to repeal the Act. Initially, the bill does not mention a republic, but by January 1948 it includes a reference to the state as a republic. Costello, as Taoiseach, introduces the bill in November 1948, citing irritation over the British invitation to King George VI to open the Canadian Parliament — seen as a slight to Irish sovereignty.
On September 7, 1948, Costello tells reporters in Ottawa that Ireland will repeal the External Relations Act, thereby ending the Crown’s role in Irish external affairs. The British government is not informed until a month later, and relations remain cordial until Ireland formally leaves the Commonwealth in April 1949.
The Republic of Ireland Act 1948 is passed by the Oireachtas in December 1948 and signed by PresidentSeán T. O’Kelly on December 21, 1948. It repeals the External Relations Act 1936, declares the state’s description as the Republic of Ireland and vests executive power in the President for external relations on the advice of the Government. The Act takes effect on April 18, 1949 (Easter Monday), marking the symbolic completion of Ireland’s transition from dominion to republic.
The Parliament of the United Kingdom passes the Ireland Act 1949, acknowledging Ireland’s new status, preserving Northern Ireland’s constitutional position, and maintaining rights of Irish citizens in Britain. This ensures continuity in trade, travel, and citizenship without major disruption.
The significance of the 1948–1949 process is a definitive assertion of Irish sovereignty, aligning Ireland’s legal framework with its de facto republican governance. It ends the last constitutional vestige of the British monarchy in Ireland and marks Ireland’s formal departure from the Commonwealth.
The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly CatholicBogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.
On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.
By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.
The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.
In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.
