On October 23, 1662, the Parliament of Ireland passes an act ordering that October 23 be observed annually as a day of thanksgiving for what it describes as deliverance from the Irish Rebellion of 1641. This rebellion, which began on the same date in 1641, was led by Irish Catholics against English and Protestant rule, and it triggered widespread violence, massacres, and deepened sectarian divisions.
The 1641 Rising started with a planned coup by Irish gentry and military officers to end English domination, restore confiscated Catholic lands, and secure Irish self-government. It quickly escalated into the Irish Confederate Wars (1641–1653), part of the wider Wars of the Three Kingdoms. The conflict saw large-scale expulsions and killings of Protestant settlers, especially in Ulster, and the creation of an alternative Catholic-led government in Kilkenny.
By 1662, the Parliament of Ireland’s act institutionalizes the memory of the uprising in a way that reinforces Protestant identity. For over a century, Protestant churches across Ireland hold annual services on October 23 to commemorate their survival and to frame the rebellion as evidence of Catholic disloyalty. This state-sponsored remembrance becomes a symbolic cornerstone of Protestant identity in Ireland throughout the 18th century.
The observance is formalized with a form of divine service to be used on the day, and notices are issued for congregations to gather for thanksgiving services. The act thus not only commemorates a historical event but also serves as a political and religious statement, embedding the memory of the 1641 Rising into the Protestant cultural and political consciousness of Ireland.
In the mid-17th century, Ireland is embroiled in the Irish Confederate Wars (1641–1653), a conflict between Irish Catholics, English and Scottish Protestants, and Royalist forces loyal to Charles I. Irish Catholics, through the Confederation of Kilkenny, seek the free exercise of their religion, recovery of church lands, and greater political autonomy. Their movement is internally divided between moderate “Old English” landowners advocating compromise with the Royalists, and hardline Gaelic-Irish factions demanding full Catholic control.
On September 15, 1644, Pope Innocent X seeks to bolster the Irish Catholic cause amid the English Civil War. He appoints Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, Archbishop of Fermo, as Papal Nuncio to Ireland, giving him authority to deliver arms, ammunition, and financial support directly to the Confederates. Rinuccini’s mission aligns with the wider Catholic Counter-Reformation strategy, aiming to strengthen Catholic influence politically and militarily.
Rinuccini lands at Kenmare Bay, County Kerry, on October 21, 1645, with a retinue of Italians and Irish officers, as well as a substantial shipment of weapons and funds:
Rinuccini’s entry symbolizes direct papal intervention in Irish affairs, demonstrating both spiritual and temporal support for Catholic aspirations. Rinuccini proceeds to Kilkenny, the Confederate capital, where he is officially received by the Confederate president, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount Mountgarret, and addresses the Assembly in Latin.
Rinuccini influences Confederate politics by controlling the distribution of arms and money, strengthening the hardline clerical and militant factions, who oppose compromise with the Royalists. He insists on the full restoration of Catholic churches and lands, and opposes treaties offering only religious toleration without Catholic political power. His arrival intensifies divisions between moderates (Old English) and radicals (Gaelic Irish and clergy). This factionalism undermines Confederate unity and contributes to eventual defeats in 1647-1648.
Rinuccini’s arrival marks a turning point in the Irish Confederate Wars. It exemplifies foreign papal support in local conflicts during the Counter-Reformation. Militarily, it temporarily enhances the Confederates’ capacity, exemplified later at the Battle of Benburb (1646). Politically, it deepens internal divisions, which ultimately hinders successful negotiations with Royalist and Parliamentarian forces, leading to the collapse of Confederate resistance.
In summary, Archbishop Giovanni Battista Rinuccini lands in Ireland on October 21, 1645, delivering arms and funds. The significance of his visit is symbolic and practical papal support for Irish Catholics, strengthening of hardline factions, direct influence of military campaigns and political negotiations and the highlighting of the entanglement of religion, diplomacy, and civil war in mid-17th-century Ireland.
The event demonstrates the intersection of international Catholic interests and Irish nationalist-religious aspirations, shaping the course of the Irish Confederate Wars and influencing the fate of the Catholic Church in Ireland for decades.
Grattan, a leading Irish WhigMP and a key figure in the Irish Parliament’s push for greater autonomy from Britain, has long advocated for reform of the penal laws that exclude Catholics from political life. His motion seeks to remove the legal barriers preventing Catholics from being elected to Parliament, a move that would significantly alter the balance of power in Ireland.
Although the motion fails, it is part of a broader wave of reformist debate in the late 18th century. Grattan’s efforts lay the groundwork for later Catholic emancipation campaigns, culminating in the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1829, which finally allows Catholics to sit in Parliament.
The debate is documented in the Report of Debates in the House of Commons of Ireland, session 1796–7, which records Grattan’s motion alongside other contentious issues of the time, such as the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act and disarming Ulster.
In summary, on October 17, 1796, Henry Grattan’s Catholic emancipation motion is defeated in the Irish House of Commons, underscoring the resistance to Catholic political rights in Ireland at the time, but also marking an early step in the long struggle for reform.
Sullivan is the son of Michael Sullivan from Abbeydorney, County Kerry, and Catherine Kelly from Drum, County Roscommon. He attends public schools in his native Boston, attending the Dwight Grammar School and performing well academically. His parents aspire for their son to enter the priesthood as a Catholic priest. To this end he enrolls at Boston College, but his passion for sports leads him to abandon formal education for professional baseball and later boxing. He quickly gains a reputation for raw power and aggression, earning the nickname “The Boston Strong Boy” during exhibition tours.
Sullivan holds the gloved heavyweight title from 1882 to 1892, with a record of 41–1–3 and 33 knockouts.
Sullivan’s fights are widely covered by newspapers, helping to launch modern sports journalism in the United States. He is one of the highest-paid athletes of his era, earning over $75,000 for a single bout. His “I can lick any man in the house” challenge becomes a symbol of Irish American defiance and determination.
After retiring in 1892, Sullivan opens the John L. Sullivan’s Theatre in New York City. He marries Annie Bates Lord in 1883 and has one daughter, Helen. He struggles with alcohol after his defeat to James J. Corbett in 1892 but later lectures against alcoholism. He dies at the age of 59 on February 2, 1918, in Abington, Plymouth County, Massachusetts. He is buried at Mount Calvary Cemetery in Roslindale, Suffolk County, Massachusetts.
Sullivan’s career transforms boxing from an underground, often illegal pastime into a national spectacle. He remains a cultural icon, celebrated in literature, film, and sports history.
Mullen is first elected to Seanad Éireann (the Irish Senate) in 2007 for the National University of Ireland constituency, and has been continuously re-elected in 2011, 2016, 2020, and 2025, often topping the poll among NUI graduates. In 2018, he founds the Human Dignity Alliance, an anti-abortion political party. He is also affiliated with the European Christian Political Party (ECPP).
Mullen has built his career around social conservative causes:
Anti-abortion advocacy: He opposes the repeal of the Eighth Amendment and seeks stronger protections for conscientious objection among medical staff.
Opposition to same-sex marriage: He is prominent during the 2015 referendum opposing constitutional changes related to marriage.
Human rights and palliative care: He introduces bills and motions promoting hospice care and the protection of vulnerable adults.
Freedom of conscience and family values: He advocates policies emphasizing parental rights in education, ethical protections, and support for families.
International advocacy: He criticizes human rights abuses in China, the treatment of religious minorities, and European Union (EU) bureaucratic overreach, while seeking Ireland’s engagement on human dignity standards internationally.
A lifelong practicing Roman Catholic, Mullen emphasizes the principle of human dignity in both politics and daily life, integrating faith and reason in his ethical framework. He maintains a connection to Irish culture and the Irish language, and has engaged in public discussions on moral and social issues, grounding his positions in Catholic teaching without seeking to impose religious law.
In summary, Mullen is a long-standing independent Irish senator influential in debates on social policy, ethics, and human rights. His career is marked by consistent advocacy for pro-life positions, family integrity, and freedom of conscience, alongside active engagement in European and international policy discussions on human dignity and social justice.
Brooke is the son of The Reverend William Brooke, the well-off Church of Ireland Rector of Killinkere and Mullagh within the Church of Ireland Diocese of Kilmore. He first begins his career as a poet. His now forgotten philosophical poem Universal Beauty is published in 1735, and Alexander Pope thinks its sentiments and poetry fine. He then turns dramatist by adapting extant plays, such as The Earl of Essex. He writes from the Tory point of view and becomes one of the most important figures in Augustan drama, although not for his successes.
Brooke’s Gustavus Vasa (1739) has the distinction of being the first play banned by the Licensing Act 1737. The play concerns the liberation of Sweden from Denmark in 1521 by Riksföreståndare (Protector of the Realm or Regent) Gustav Vasa (who later becomes King Gustav I of Sweden). Sir Robert Walpole believes that the villain of the play resembles him. Further, a facetious “attack” on it is the first public writing of Samuel Johnson, whose A Complete Vindication of the Licensers of the English Stage feigns support for Walpole while it drives the censor’s argument to reductio ad absurdum.
Brooke lives in Ireland most of his life, but he spends time in London when his plays are on the stage. In politics, he is somewhat radical in arguing publicly for loosening the laws persecuting Roman Catholics in the United Kingdom. His daughter, Charlotte Brooke, is herself an important figure in the history of Irish literature, publishing Reliques of Irish Poetry (1789) and working to increase the profile of Irish language poetry.
Later, Brook’s Earl of Essex comes back to the boards in a revival. Again, Samuel Johnson offers his public support of Brooke, but when he hears the Earl saying at the end of Act II, “Who rules o’er free men must himself be free,” Johnson replies, “Who drives fat oxen must himself be fat.” Although Johnson is objecting to the misuse and overuse of “freedom” and is at that time in a vexatious debate over the American Revolutionary War (saying, “Why is it that we hear the loudest cries for liberty from the drivers of Negroes?”), Brooke is mortified by Johnson’s parody and changes the line for his Collected Works.
Brooke has a difficult life and makes a very poor living. The Licensing Act 1737 robs him of his primary avenue to making a living, for, after the Act, he is the first man banned by it. Whatever fame this lends him is made up for by his inability to get new plays performed. His greatest commercial successes come from the Earl of Essex and his two novels, The Fool of Quality (1760-1772) and Juliet Grenville (1774), which are two of the finest sentimental novels. John Wesley is so fond of The Fool of Quality, in which Brooke declares his belief in universal salvation, that he seeks to have a copy of it given out to all new Methodist churches.
Brooke has twenty-two children. Of these, only Charlotte survives adolescence. She shepherds his Works through the press after his death.
The death of Brooke’s wife after a long illness and the loss of so many of his children, leaves Brooke’s physical and mental health increasingly unstable. His decline is evident in the last volume of The Fool of Quality and his final three-volume novel Juliet Grenville. He dies in Dublin on October 10, 1783, and is buried in his father’s churchyard in Mullagh.
Annesley is a prominent figure in Irish politics during the late 1690s. Initially aligned with the Whig faction, he later moves closer to Tory interests, particularly in his opposition to Catholic influence and the growing presence of ScottishPresbyterians in Ulster. His political stance and actions in the Irish Parliament draw criticism from certain factions.
The “Report of the Commissioners” is a formal parliamentary document produced by a committee tasked with examining Ireland’s governance, economic conditions, and political tensions. Annesley’s involvement in drafting or presenting parts of this report is seen by some as politically damaging or controversial. The exact nature of his contribution is not fully detailed in surviving records, but it is sufficient to trigger his expulsion.
The early 1700s in Ireland are marked by ongoing sectarian tensions between Protestants and Catholics, political maneuvering between Whig and Tory factions in the Irish Parliament and economic hardship and poor governance conditions, which are themes in the commissioners’ report.
Annesley’s expulsion reflects the sensitivity of political discourse in Ireland at the time, where even well-intentioned inquiries can be used to target opponents.
Following his expulsion, Annesley continues his political career in England, being returned as MP for Preston in 1705 and later for Westbury. He remains active in Parliament until 1734, when he does not stand for re-election in the 1734 British general election.
In summary, on September 28, 1703, Francis Annesley is expelled from the Irish House of Commons for his part in the “Report of the Commissioners,” a move that underscores the political risks of engaging in sensitive parliamentary inquiries during a volatile period in Irish history.
Reed is the son of John Reed of Galway and Mary Adamson of County Meath. He is educated at Queen’s University Belfast (QUB) and called to the Bar in 1873. He enters the Royal Irish Constabulary and is appointed District Inspector in 1859; becoming Inspector-General in 1885. He retires 1900.
Aside from being the only RIC cadet officer to be promoted to Inspector General, Reed changes the rules for promotion in the Royal Irish Constabulary. Up until his tenure, Catholics had little success in attaining promotions. Even though most of the force is Catholic, almost all the officers are non-Catholic. He institutes a rule that each year, sixty men who are Catholic and pass the Sergeant’s exam will be promoted.
Reed is appointed a Knight Bachelor in 1889, a Companion of the Order of the Bath (CB) in 1892, a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in 1900 and a Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB) in 1897.
Reed dies in Dublin on November 7, 1914, and is buried in Dean’s Grange Cemetery. His epitaph reads: – “I have no greater joy than to hear that my children walk in truth.” (3 John 4.)
Devlin is born in 1780 in Cronebeg, near Aughrim, County Wicklow, the second of four daughters and three sons of Bryan and Winifred (née Byrne) Devlin, who are Catholics engaged in farming. Her father and several relatives are members of the Society of United Irishmen, advocating for Irish independence. Though she and her immediate family do not initially participate in the Irish Rebellion of 1798, they provide shelter and assistance to rebels, and their home is destroyed by Crown forces, while her father is imprisoned until 1801.
After the family moves to Rathfarnham, Dublin, Devln becomes the housekeeper for Robert Emmet in April 1803, providing cover for his Dublin operations planning a nationalist uprising. She actively aids the United Irishmen by arranging meetings, transporting arms, and acting as a messenger to insurgent forces, notably her cousin Michael Dwyer in the Wicklow Mountains. The rebellion carefully orchestrated for July 23, 1803, collapses due to inadequate popular support and confusion among the rebels.
Following the failed uprising, Devlin and her family are arrested. She endures brutal interrogation by Major Henry Charles Sirr and is subjected to half-hanging, solitary confinement, and threats against her family, yet she refuses to reveal any critical information about Emmet or other conspirators. She spends over two years in Kilmainham Gaol and, despite her endurance, her health is permanently affected. She is released in 1806 after sustained lobbying and public outrage over her mistreatment.
After her release, Devlin works as a maid and laundress, initially assisted by the Emmet family and their acquaintances. She marries William Campbell in 1811, though she experiences increasing poverty after his death in 1845. She continues to be remembered for her courage, and her experiences are recorded by historians and contemporaries such as Dr. Richard Robert Madden and Brother Luke Cullen, preserving her memoirs and accounts of her revolutionary involvement.
Devlin dies on September 18, 1851, in Dublin and is interred at Glasnevin Cemetery, later commemorated with a monument and Celtic cross.
Devlin is widely celebrated as Ireland’s first female political prisoner and a symbol of loyalty and courage. A statue in Rathfarnham, annual memorial services in Dublin’s St. Catherine’s Church, and the naming of community centers in her honor (e.g., Anne Devlin Community Centre, 2026) reflect her enduring impact. Her life has inspired literature and film, including Pat Murphy‘s 1984 movie Anne Devlin, which portrays her perspective during the Emmet rebellion. She is credited in James Joyce’s short story “A Mother” as a model for the character Mrs. Kearney.
Anne Devlin’s life embodies courage, steadfast nationalism, and sacrifice. She actively supports Robert Emmet and the United Irishmen, suffers imprisonment without betrayal, and faces lifelong hardship, yet remains commemorated as a heroine of Irish independence.
(Pictured: Anne Devlin statue in Rathfarnham, Dublin)
On September 17, 1860, units of the Irish Battalion of St. Patrick of the Papal army, commanded by CaptainMyles O’Reilly from County Louth, fights a Piedmontese force under General Brignone at Spoleto, Italy.
By 1860, the Papal States are under threat from King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont and Giuseppe Garibaldi’s “Redshirts” during the Wars of Italian Unification. Pope Pius IX has called for Catholic volunteers from Europe, and within weeks over 1,000 Irishmen have enlisted, forming the Irish Battalion. They are poorly equipped and inexperienced, but their morale is high.
The Irish are stationed at Spoleto, a walled city south of Florence with the fortress of Rocca on a hill. On September 16, Brignone’s forces arrive and demand surrender. O’Reilly refuses, and on the following day the Piedmontese launch an assault.
The Irish are tasked with defending the North Wall and the Gate House of the Castle Albornozian. The attackers endure prolonged artillery fire from the fortress walls. When the famed Bersaglieri advance, they are met with a withering musket and rifle fire from the Irish, halting the attack. The Irish hold their ground for fourteen hours under constant bombardment.
Despite their resistance, the bishop of Spoleto, alarmed by the destruction and loss of life, arranges a ceasefire. O’Reilly, nearly out of ammunition, sends a Papal representative to Brignone. Terms are agreed: the Irish can march out as prisoners, with officers retaining their swords.
Brignone praises O’Reilly as “both honourable and brave.” Each officer and enlisted man receives a Medaglia di Pro Petri Sede (“Medal for the Seat of Saint Peter”), and all are declared “meritorious of the Catholic Church, the Holy See and all human society.”
The battle is part of the short 1860 war in which the Papal army, including the Irish Battalion, fight at Ancona, Perugia, Spoleto, and Castelfidardo. Though ultimately defeated, the Irish earn high praise for their courage and discipline.
(Pictured: The Company of Saint Patrick in the Papal Army, 1860)
