King Richard II of England lands at Waterford, County Waterford, on October 2, 1394, at the head of the largest English military force ever to enter an Irish port. This marks the beginning of his first major expedition to Ireland, a campaign aimed at reasserting royal authority and implementing sweeping administrative reforms.
By 1394, England has secured peace with both France and Scotland, allowing Richard to focus on Ireland. The Lordship of Ireland is in decline, with Gaelic lords like Art Óg Mac Murchadha Caomhánach of Leinster resisting English overlordship. Richard’s stated goal is to secure the submission of the great Gaelic lords and to integrate them into the English legal and political system, making them equal subjects of the Crown.
Richard arrives with an army of about 8,000–9,000 men, a force far larger than any previous English intervention in Ireland since the late twelfth century. The campaign is both military and political: while he seeks to subdue resistance, his primary aim is reform of the Irish administration rather than total conquest.
The expedition moves through lower Leinster, encountering resistance from Mac Murchadha Caomhánach. Historical accounts note a dramatic near-capture of the king’s enemies at a place called Laveroc, where the Earl Marshal almost seizes Mac Murchadha Caomhánach and his wife in their beds. Despite these skirmishes, Richard manages to reconcile most of the major Gaelic lords to his overlordship by promising access to royal justice and arbitration.
Richard’s 1394–95 Irish campaign is the first visit by a reigning English monarch to Ireland since King John in 1210. It demonstrates the king’s ambition to centralize control over the entire lordship, but it also highlights the limits of English power in the face of Gaelic resistance and administrative challenges.
In summary, Richard II’s arrival in Waterford on October 2, 1394, is a pivotal moment in medieval Irish history — a show of royal might, a test of political reform, and a reminder of the enduring challenges of governing a diverse and resistant Ireland.
McCarthy’s early career was meteoric: his first book, An outline of Irish history from the earliest times, appears in 1883 and is a fast-moving, strongly worded, nationalist sketch of Irish history. This is followed by a heavy-handed dramatic poem, Serapion (1883), about the early Christian era. In June of the following year he is returned as the Home Rule LeagueMP for Athlone on the death of the sitting member, and also publishes, to excellent reviews, England under Gladstone, which runs to a second edition within a year. In November 1884, his first play, The Candidate, is an overnight success in the Criterion Theatre in London. Its plot is thin but the humour and political badinage ensures it a long run.
At the 1885 United Kingdom general election McCarthy is elected nationalist MP for Newry, and he holds this seat until 1892. In the two years after his election he writes a number of novels, translates works from Persian, and writes Ireland Since the Union (1887), which is well researched, nationalist and impassioned in tone, showing a flair for biographical sketches. During this period he is known for his good attendance in the House of Commons though he does not speak much – throughout his life he is more an observer than a participator – and he is said by William O’Brien to conceal “under the gentlest of exteriors the fire of the ‘Spirit of the Nation’ ballad” (New Ireland Review, 523). In London he is well known for his controversial drama reviews in The Gentleman’s Magazine and the Sunday Sun, and in Dublin for his numerous verse and prose contributions to United Ireland. Although he makes a name for himself as a brilliant young man, he never fulfills his early promise.
In later years McCarthy continues to publish prolifically but produces only ephemeral works, and his parliamentary attendance slackens off. His political commitment is soured possibly by the party’s split in 1890. He originally sides with Charles Stewart Parnell, emphasizing in a speech on December 1, 1890, that he believes in the old-fashioned theory of personal loyalty to a leader. However, five days later he causes a minor drama by rising at the last minute to follow his father and the forty-three other anti-Parnellites, claiming that he feels he must abide by the decision of the majority. Two years later he leaves politics for good without standing in the 1892 United Kingdom general election. A sympathetic profile of him in the New Ireland Review in 1894 remarks that “no man of equal talents made so slight an impression on the political world.”
Thereafter McCarthy has less involvement in Irish affairs and writes no more Irish history books, though his novels continue to have Irish themes. He lives in London in Putney Common, and continues to travel widely. In 1894, he marries in some haste a popular comic actress, Cecilia Loftus, and the event is widely reported in the English press. However, the marriage is dissolved in the United States five years later. In 1908, his second marriage is to Loullie, daughter of Henry Killick of Budapest. He continues to enjoy success as a dramatist and has five plays, four sketches, and three duologues performed in London in the 1890s. However, he concentrates increasingly on historical fiction, which he produces at breakneck speed. In the first decade of the twentieth century he writes over twelve novels based on periods in English, Italian, French, and Irish history. The Illustrious O’Hagan (1906), The O’Flynn (1910), and The King Over the Water (1911) pointedly contradict English stereotypes of the “stage Irishman.” The Fair Irish Maid (1911) is an allegory of the Irish Parliamentary Party‘s political marriage to the ordinary Irish people rather than to the Anglo-Irishascendancy.
McCarthy dies at home in Putney on March 20, 1936 aged 79, although his obituaries all put his age at 75.
(From: “McCarthy, Justin Huntly” by Bridget Hourican, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Annesley is a prominent figure in Irish politics during the late 1690s. Initially aligned with the Whig faction, he later moves closer to Tory interests, particularly in his opposition to Catholic influence and the growing presence of ScottishPresbyterians in Ulster. His political stance and actions in the Irish Parliament draw criticism from certain factions.
The “Report of the Commissioners” is a formal parliamentary document produced by a committee tasked with examining Ireland’s governance, economic conditions, and political tensions. Annesley’s involvement in drafting or presenting parts of this report is seen by some as politically damaging or controversial. The exact nature of his contribution is not fully detailed in surviving records, but it is sufficient to trigger his expulsion.
The early 1700s in Ireland are marked by ongoing sectarian tensions between Protestants and Catholics, political maneuvering between Whig and Tory factions in the Irish Parliament and economic hardship and poor governance conditions, which are themes in the commissioners’ report.
Annesley’s expulsion reflects the sensitivity of political discourse in Ireland at the time, where even well-intentioned inquiries can be used to target opponents.
Following his expulsion, Annesley continues his political career in England, being returned as MP for Preston in 1705 and later for Westbury. He remains active in Parliament until 1734, when he does not stand for re-election in the 1734 British general election.
In summary, on September 28, 1703, Francis Annesley is expelled from the Irish House of Commons for his part in the “Report of the Commissioners,” a move that underscores the political risks of engaging in sensitive parliamentary inquiries during a volatile period in Irish history.
On September 16, 1920, the British double agent John Henry Gooding, operating under the alias F. Digby Hardy, makes a dramatic overture to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Hardy, a habitual criminal with a long record of forgery, fraud, and petty crime, has been recruited by British intelligence to infiltrate the IRA’s intelligence network and capture Michael Collins.
Born in 1868 in Devonport, Plymouth, England, Hardy has a troubled life marked by multiple imprisonments, bigamy, and a career in petty crime. After deserting the Royal Navy in 1888, he adopts the alias “Frank Hall” and lives in Surrey before moving to London. By 1920, he is a known criminal with a five-year fraud sentence in 1918, partially served until his release in 1919.
Hardy approaches IRA intelligence, offering to betray his British superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. The plan is for him to infiltrate the IRA’s network and hand over information on Collins. However, the operation is foiled when Arthur Griffith, a leading Irish republican, intercepts Hardy’s mission.
Griffith arranges a staged meeting in Dublin attended by international journalists. Hardy is confronted and, upon presentation of evidence, confesses his mission and criminal background. The exposure embarrasses British intelligence and draws international attention.
Rather than being executed, Hardy is given until the next morning to leave Ireland. He flees, resuming petty crimes until his death in 1930. The September 16, 1920 incident becomes a notable example of how British intelligence’s reliance on unreliable agents could backfire during the Irish War of Independence.
In summary, on September 16, 1920, F. Digby Hardy (John Henry Gooding) attempts to betray his British handler to the IRA, but is exposed and forced to flee Dublin after being misled by Arthur Griffith into revealing his mission to reporters.
The alarm is raised around 2:30 BST when the vessel begins taking on water rapidly. Captain Colm Newport reports a sudden ingress of water that causes a critical loss of stability. Despite emergency pumps, the flooding is uncontrollable, and the crew and trainees abandon the ship in an orderly evacuation.
Five crew members and twenty trainees (most Irish, but also including Britons and Italians) transfer to life rafts within minutes. The evacuation is completed in about four to five minutes, with all twenty-five people safely moved away from the sinking vessel.
French coastguard vessels, along with assistance from Haldoz and Arklow Venus, rescue everyone. They are taken to a hotel on Belle-Île, where they are cared for and contact their families. The Irish Ambassador to France, Anne Anderson, also arrives to meet them.
The exact cause of the sinking remains unclear. The Marine Casualty Investigation Board finds the vessel well-maintained beyond statutory requirements and no evidence of negligence. One theory, supported by some accounts, is that the ship may have collided with a submerged container, fracturing its keel timbers. However, the captain and officials refuse to speculate.
Plans are made to raise the ship, with an estimated cost of €3.8 million, but by February 2009 the Irish government decides against recovery, citing the risk of further damage from storms and fishing nets. The wreck rests upright on a sandy seabed at about eighty metres depth, with one hull plank damaged.
The loss of Asgard II is a significant blow to Ireland’s sail training tradition, prompting discussions about replacing the vessel.
Cromwell’s death is the result of a painful urinary tract infection that leads to blood poisoning. He has been in declining health for some time, and his final days are marked by illness and discomfort. His death comes just over nine years after the Siege of Drogheda in Ireland, which begins in August 1649 and becomes one of the most infamous episodes of his military career.
The Siege of Drogheda, in which Cromwell’s forces execute thousands of Irish defenders, remains a major point of controversy in his legacy. His death in 1658 is met with celebration by many in England, as it paves the way for the restoration of the monarchy under Charles II in 1660. After his death, his body is exhumed in 1661 and publicly hanged in chains before being thrown into a pit to ensure he is dead.
Cromwell is remembered as a decisive military leader who helps restore England’s status as a leading European power, but also as a controversial figure whose actions in Ireland leave a lasting scar on Anglo-Irish relations. His death on September 3, 1658, thus marks both the end of his political and military influence and a turning point in the post-Civil War period in Britain.
Born to George and Susan Goodfellow (née Nicholson), Goodfellow is raised in a Quaker family. Her father and uncle are builders who construct a row of houses on Morehampton Road, Donnybrook, where she lives for the rest of her life. She is educated at Alexandra College and graduates with an Arts degree from Trinity College Dublin (TCD).
Under the pseudonym Michael Scot, Goodfellow publishes Three Tales of the Times in 1921, a work about life in Ireland under the Black and Tans. She also writes poetry and translates French poetry, notably the works of 15th-century poet François Villon, publishing these translations in The Dublin Magazine between 1924 and 1928.
Goodfellow is independently wealthy, inheriting property in Ireland and England after her mother’s death in 1932. She is a generous patron of the arts, supporting The Dublin Magazine, a literary journal owned by her friend Seumas O’Sullivan, to which she contributes articles, poems, and reviews. She also supports children’s charities and serves on the Board of Governors of the Royal Hospital in Donnybrook.
Her philanthropy extends to securing funding for The Dublin Magazine (1926–1958) and gifting a bird sanctuary, The Grove, in Donnybrook to An Taisce. Despite her influence, she remains modest and private about her contributions, and her own photographic collection is destroyed after her death.
In 1939, Goodfellow falls while getting off a tram and breaks her leg badly, which leaves her with a limp. She dies at the aged of 89 on May 20, 1980, and is buried with her parents in Mount Jerome Cemetery in Dublin.
A plaque is erected in memory of Goodfellow’s donation at The Grove, a woodland area at the corner of Morehampton Road and Wellington Place, on October 19, 2022. A plaque commemorating Estella Solomons is placed on the opposite gatepost. Goodfellow’s diaries, poems and literary manuscripts are held in the Trinity College Dublin archives.
Goodfellow’s work and life reflect the intersection of Irish literary culture, nationalist history, and cultural patronage in early-to-mid 20th-century Ireland.
Delivered at the Irish National Convention in Chicago on August 18, 1886, John E. Redmond’s address is a defining moment in his political career and in the broader Irish nationalist movement. The convention, organized by the Irish National League of America, brings together Irish Americans to rally support for Irish self-government and to affirm their loyalty to the United States while maintaining ties to Ireland.
The key themes of Redmond’s speech include:
Irish Americans’ Commitment to Ireland: Redmond emphasizes that regardless of their economic status—soldier, businessman, or laborer—Irish Americans have never forgotten their homeland. He notes that even in prosperity, they set aside time to “tell her story” and work toward Ireland’s “redemption.”
The Principle of the Irish Movement: Redmond frames the Irish struggle as rooted in the principle of rebellion against the rule of strangers, a principle upheld for centuries by figures like Owen Roe O’Neill, Thomas Emmet, and Robert Emmet. He stresses that this is not “race hatred” but a call for justice for the future, not revenge for past wrongs.
Brotherhood of Nations: Despite the bitterness of past injustices, Redmond affirms belief in the brotherhood of nations. He argues that the Irish movement’s core is not hatred of England, but a demand for fair treatment and self-determination.
The Role of the Convention: Standing as “ambassadors sent here to represent the Irish nation at home,” Redmond calls the convention a “supreme honour” and a vital link between Ireland and its diaspora. He urges Americans to recognize the Irish people’s enduring connection to their heritage and to support their cause.
The 1886 convention is part of a wave of Irish American activism during the Home Rule movement. Redmond, then a rising figure in Irish politics, is positioning himself as a unifying voice for both Irish Americans and the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). His speech helps solidify his reputation as a skilled orator and a moderate yet principled leader.
Lord Russell of Killowen later cites this speech as evidence that the Irish Parliamentary Party is not aligned with the more radical physical force movement, highlighting its emphasis on justice and unity over sectarianism. The address remains a key example of Redmond’s ability to balance nationalist sentiment with appeals to shared human values.
Oliver Cromwell, English statesman, farmer and soldier, sets sail from Milford Haven, Pembrokeshire, Wales, on August 13, 1649, with a fleet of about 35 ships, accompanied by a second and third flotilla that arrives days later. The invasion marks the beginning of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, a brutal four-year campaign (1649–1653) that reshapes the island’s political and demographic landscape.
Cromwell’s landing at Dublin is swift but not without hardship—seasickness plagues him during the voyage. He lands with around 9,000–20,000 troops, stores, and £20,000 in cash. His early actions include the Siege of Drogheda (September 10, 1649) where, following a prolonged cannonade, his forces breach the town’s defenses. On September 11, the entire garrison—about 8,000 men, including English troops, Irish soldiers, and civilians—is massacred, including commander Sir Arthur Aston. Early actions also include the Sack of Wexford (October 1649). Despite Cromwell’s public justification for the slaughter, Wexford’s garrison and civilians are killed in a similar manner.
Over the next four years, Cromwell’s forces defeat the Irish Confederacy by late 1650, engage in widespread plunder, executions, and displacement of Catholic populations, confiscate large tracts of Catholic land for Protestant settlers under the Cromwellian Plantation, and introduce the Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652, barring Catholics from most public offices and redistributing land.
Modern estimates suggest 15–40% of Ireland’s pre-1641 population perishes due to warfare, famine, and disease. The campaign entrenches Protestant dominance in Ireland and leaves deep scars in Irish memory.
Cromwell’s invasion is remembered in Ireland as a symbol of English conquest and sectarian violence. While some historians argue his actions are within contemporary military norms, many see them as part of a broader pattern of colonial subjugation. The detailed land surveys he orders—mapping every parish and barony—become a tool for land redistribution, shaping Ireland’s political and economic structure for centuries.
In short, August 13, 1649, is the start of a campaign that not only ends Irish Catholic political power but also alters the island’s demographic and cultural fabric for generations.
The killing is widely seen as a political act, with Dunne and O’Sullivan claiming to have acted in defence of Irish nationalist principles, blaming Wilson for the “Orange Terror” and the deployment of the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). Some historians suggest the assassination may have been intended to pressure Michael Collins to attack the Four Courts garrison, though no conclusive evidence of orders was ever established.
After the shooting, Dunne escapes but O’Sullivan is captured by a hostile crowd. Dunne attempts to rescue him but is himself arrested after wounding two police officers and a passerby. Both are tried quickly, found guilty after just three minutes of deliberation, and sentenced to death by Justice Montague Shearman.
Despite petitions from 45,000 people and appeals from figures like George Bernard Shaw, both men are executed on August 10, 1922, and buried within the prison grounds.
The executions are a major political flashpoint. It is only after the abolition of hanging that the law is changed and Joseph’s brother, with the assistance of the Irish National Graves Association, is able to arrange for the bodies of the two men to be repatriated to Ireland.
Dunne’s trial speech, reprinted in the Irish Independent, remains a notable piece of republican political rhetoric, framing the act as a necessary stand for Irish rights.
(Pictured: Joseph O’Sullivan (left) and Reginald Dunne (right))
