seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Category Archives: Northern Ireland


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Post-Good Friday Agreement Meeting Takes Place in Northern Ireland

A key meeting takes place in Northern Ireland on September 27, 1998, as part of the post-Good Friday Agreement peace process. The principal participants are British Prime Minister Tony Blair, David Trimble, leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and First Minister-designate, Seamus Mallon, deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Deputy First Minister-designate, and George Mitchell, former United States Senator and appointed international mediator (often referred to as the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland)

The primary objectives of the meeting include:

  1. Progressing the Peace Process – the parties are consolidating steps needed to establish Northern Ireland’s new devolved Assembly, following the Good Friday Agreement signed in April 1998.
  2. Confirming Executive Arrangements and Cross-Community Cooperation – discussion focuses on how the new Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive can function on a cross-community basis, ensuring Unionist and Nationalist representation in governance and decision-making.
  3. Addressing the Controversial Role of the Queen – newly declassified documents show that Tony Blair and Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam explored whether Queen Elizabeth II should officially open the new Assembly, a sensitive question due to nationalist perception. They propose consulting privately with Seamus Mallon before final decisions are made with David Trimble.
  4. Ensuring the Implementation of Key Good Friday Agreement Provisions – including Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning of weapons, parity in representation for Unionists and Nationalists in the Assembly, and planning for the full transfer of powers from the UK Government to the Assembly, which is scheduled for December 1999.

Key outcomes and discussions coming out of the meeting include:

  1. Commitment to Institutions: Blair, Trimble, and Mallon agree on the importance of setting up a shadow Assembly that can transition to full devolved powers once cross-party agreements are stable.
  2. Cross-Community Provisions: Blair emphasizes that sensitive issues require cross-community approval in the Assembly, warning that majority-rule-only systems could lead to collapse if abused.
  3. International Support: George Mitchell, as U.S. envoy, reaffirms American support for the peace process and encourages local leaders to uphold commitments.
  4. Political Sensitivities of the Queen’s Role: Blair and Mowlam note the potential nationalist backlash if the Queen’s presence is prominent, suggesting alternative ceremonial openings.
  5. Security and Prisoner Issues: Discussions also cover paramilitary decommissioning, with particular concern over Sinn Féin and IRA compliance to allow the formation of the shadow Executive safely.

The meeting is part of a broader diplomatic effort. It occurs after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (April 10, 1998) but before formal referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approving the Agreement (May 22 and 23, 1998). It highlights the delicate balancing act between Unionists and Nationalists, the role of the UK and Irish governments, and international mediation, notably from the U.S. via George Mitchell.

Declassified documents at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) in Belfast detail concerns over cross-community decision-making and the Queen’s status in ceremonial openings. The CAIN: Irish Peace Process Chronology confirms Blair, Trimble, and Mallon are engaging in preparatory discussions to implement the Agreement’s provisions and ensure the Assembly’s initial functionality. U.S. involvement through George Mitchell underscores the international commitment to maintaining peace and political stability during the transitional period.

In summary, the September 27, 1998 meeting is a crucial step in operationalizing the Good Friday Agreement, demonstrating cooperative leadership among British, Unionist, and Nationalist figures, with strategic oversight from the United States. It sets the stage for the new Northern Ireland Assembly, addressing ceremonial, legislative, and security challenges central to the successful devolution of powers.

Key participants demonstrate cautious diplomacy, foresight in cross-community governance, and recognition of the international dimension crucial to Northern Ireland’s peace process.

(Pictured: (L to R) David Trimble, George Mitchell and Seamus Mallon)


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Civil Rights Marchers Defy Ban Imposed By Belfast City Council

On September 25, 1999, a group of Protestant civil rights marchers in Belfast deliberately defy a ban imposed by the Belfast City Council to participate in an event during the so-called “Long March.” The march is organized as part of a series of demonstrations by Protestant and Unionist groups in Northern Ireland, following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

The march is orchestrated by networks of Ulster Unionist victims’ groups, Protestant clergy, parties, and cultural organizations. The mobilization draws from what scholars term the Unionist Victims Movement, which seeks to highlight perceived mistreatment of Protestant Unionists in the post-agreement political settlement. Groups involved include the Northern Irish Victims of Terrorism Association (NIVTA) and affiliated organizations. They frame the protest in terms of civil rights for Protestants, drawing analogies with global civil rights movements to legitimize their cause.

The September 25 march aims to lay a wreath at the cenotaph in Belfast to commemorate victims of the Troubles. This act is symbolic, emphasizing that Protestant victims of the conflict feel ignored or marginalized in the ongoing peace process. The march is also referred to as “The Long March,” which is structured to traverse central areas of Belfast, culminating in a rally at the grounds of Stormont Parliament. Organizers promote messages such as “pride, not prejudice” and “heritage, not hatred” to frame the march as a civic, rights-based demonstration rather than sectarian agitation.

Belfast City Council issues a ban on the march, restricting access to certain areas. Nevertheless, the Protestant marchers blatantly defy this prohibition. This act of defiance is deliberate, signaling a protest against perceived institutional bias and asserting the visibility of the Protestant community’s grievances.

The march reflects ongoing tensions within Northern Irish society during a period of post-conflict transition, where newly established power sharing mechanisms are perceived by some Unionist factions as disadvantaging Protestant communities. The event is emblematic of a strategy used by the Unionist Victims Movement to mobilize public attention and articulate a collective identity rooted in historical victimhood, despite being part of a locally dominant ethno-national group.

Contemporary news accounts note the boldness of defying official restrictions and the wider sociopolitical implications for the peace process. The Long March serves as both a commemorative act and a political statement, uniting a range of Protestant organizations in a conflictual social movement for civil rights recognition.

In summary, the September 25, 1999 Protestant civil rights march in Belfast is a strategically organized demonstration by Protestant and Unionist groups that deliberately defies a municipal ban to assert the civil rights of their community. The event combines symbolic commemoration of the Troubles’ victims with a broader protest against perceived post-Good Friday Agreement injustices, highlighting the complex dynamics of post-conflict mobilization and identity politics in Northern Ireland.


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Founding of Saoradh, a Revolutionary Irish Republican Political Party

Saoradh — Irish for “Liberation” — is formally founded on September 24, 2016, as a revolutionary Irish republican political party and pressure group by dissident republicans opposed to the Good Friday Agreement and the partition of Ireland. The launch takes place at an ardfheis (national conference) in County Down, Northern Ireland, attended by around 150 activists from across Ireland.

The party emerges from years of autonomous activism by republican figures disillusioned with mainstream parties like Sinn Féin, which they view as having compromised core principles of Irish unification and sovereignty. Founders include former members of the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, Republican Sinn Féin, and the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP).

The inaugural 12-person national executive sits at the “top table” under a banner of the 1916 Proclamation’s signatories. Notable members included Nuala Perry, vice-chairperson and former Provisional IRA prisoner, Kevin Murphy, former Real IRA prisoner, Risteard Ó Murchú, former republican prisoner, Sharon Rafferty, Dee Fennell, David Jordan and Mandy Duffy, sister-in-law of Colin Duffy. Other attendees include veteran republican leader Billy McKee, Thomas Ashe Mellon and Issam Hijjawi, Chair of the Association of Palestinian Communities in Scotland.

Saoradh positions itself as a far-left, dissident republican movement advocating a 32-county socialist republic free from British rule and European Union (EU) interference, anti-imperialism, anti-capitalism, and worker ownership of production, rejection of the Good Friday Agreement as a capitulation to British control and grassroots activism, street politics, and campaigns for republican prisoners.

The founding press release emphasizes that Ireland should be governed by the Irish people, with wealth and wealth-producing mechanisms in the people’s ownership, rejecting both British imperialism and capitalist exploitation. The event is marked by a mix of political rhetoric, historical symbolism, and support from prominent dissident figures.

In short, September 24, 2016, marks the official launch of Saoradh as a political front for dissident republicans committed to revolutionary means to achieve Irish unification and national sovereignty.


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Death of David Cook, Founding Member of the Alliance Party

David Somerville Cook, English-born solicitor and politician, dies on September 19, 2020, at Craigavon Area Hospital in Portadown, Craigavon, County Armagh, Northern Ireland.

Cook is a founding member of the nonsectarian, liberal-centre Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He serves on Belfast City Council from 1973 to 1986, and in 1978 he becomes the first non-Unionist Lord Mayor of Belfast since 1898. He is elected as a member of the Northern Ireland Assembly of 1982 and serves on that body until its abolishment in 1986. He is appointed Chair of the Police Authority of Northern Ireland in 1994 and holds that position until his resignation from the role in 1996.

Cook is born on January 25, 1944, to Francis John Granville Cook and Jocelyn McKay (née Stewart) in Leicester, England. As a child, he moves to Northern Ireland with his parents and sisters after his father is appointed headmaster of Campbell College in 1954.

Cook works as a solicitor, eventually becoming a senior partner at Sheldon and Stewart Solicitors.

In 1970, Cook is a founder member of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI), a nonsectarian party, while he is elected to the party’s Central Executive in 1971.

Cook is elected to Belfast City Council in 1973, a position he holds until 1985. In 1978, he becomes the first non-Unionist Lord Mayor of Belfast since William James Pirrie, a Home Rule Liberal, in 1896–1898.

Cook stands for APNI in Belfast South in the February 1974 United Kingdom general election, taking just under 10% of the vote. He is able to improve to 27% of the vote at the 1982 Belfast South by-election. Following this, he wins a seat on the Northern Ireland Assembly representing Belfast South.

In the 1983 United Kingdom general election, 1986 Belfast South by-election and 1987 United Kingdom general election, Cook consistently wins over 20% of the votes cast in Belfast South. He also stands for Alliance in the 1984 European Parliament election, but takes only 4% of the vote. From 1980 to 1984, he serves as the Deputy Leader of APNI.

In 1994, Cook becomes the Chairman of the Police Authority of Northern Ireland, but he is sacked from this role in 1996 after losing a vote of confidence. After a critical account of his role in an internal row in that authority appears in newspapers in 1998, he undertakes a lengthy libel case which is ultimately settled out of court. He subsequently sits on the Craigavon Health and Social Services Trust.

On September 20, 2020, it is announced that Cook has died after being diagnosed with COVID-19 during the pandemic. According to his family, he dies on September 19, 2020, at Craigavon Area Hospital. He had had a stroke two years before. He is survived by his wife Fionnuala, his sisters Alison and Nora, his daughter Barbary, his sons John, Patrick, Julius, and Dominic, and his granddaughters Romy and Imogen.


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The Blanket Protest Begins at Maze Prison

The Blanket Protest begins on September 14, 1976, in the H-Blocks of HM Prison Maze (also known as Long Kesh Detention Centre) in Northern Ireland, initiated by Kieran Nugent (pictured), the first republican convicted under the new regime after the British government’s decision to end Special Category Status.

Special Category Status, introduced in 1972 after a 35‑day hunger strike by Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners, grants convicted paramilitary offenders the rights and treatment of prisoners of war — no prison uniforms, no forced labour, and separate accommodation. In March 1976, the British government announces that those convicted after March 1, 1976, will lose this status and be treated as ordinary criminals. They are to be moved from the “Cages” to the newly built H‑Blocks, designed to enforce the policy of criminalisation and to portray republicans as common criminals.

On September 14, 1976, Nugent refuses to wear the prison uniform, instead wrapping himself in a blanket. This act of defiance quickly spreads: other IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners join, refusing to wear uniforms and sometimes going naked. The protest is a peaceful civil disobedience campaign aimed at restoring political prisoner status and rejecting the criminalisation of republicans.

The British authorities enforce uniform compliance through cell confinement and deny association rights. In response, the protest evolves into the “dirty protest” (also called the “no‑wash protest”) in 1978, where prisoners refuse to shower or use lavatories, smear walls with excrement, and defecate in cells to protest perceived brutality and denial of political recognition.

The Blanket Protest becomes a key phase in the prison struggle during the Troubles, symbolising the refusal to accept the criminalisation of political prisoners. It sets the stage for the 1980–1981 hunger strikes, which draw international attention and result in ten deaths, including Bobby Sands, who is elected to Parliament during his fast.

In summary, the September 14, 1976, start of the Blanket Protest marks the beginning of a sustained campaign of non‑violent resistance by republican prisoners to defend their political prisoner status against the British government’s criminalisation policy.


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March Marks First Major Civil Rights Demonstration in Northern Ireland

A nonviolent three‑mile march takes place in County Tyrone on August 24, 1968, marking the first major civil rights demonstration in Northern Ireland. Organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and supported by the Campaign for Social Justice, the march begins in Coalisland and ends in Dungannon.

The protest is a direct response to the Caledon Protest just two months earlier, when Member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland Austin Currie “squats” in a house allocated by the Dungannon Rural District Council to a single, childless Protestant woman employed by a Unionist politician. The house has been given ahead of older married Catholic families with children, highlighting systemic housing discrimination. NICRA’s broader goals include ending gerrymandering, securing a universal franchise, and repealing discriminatory laws.

Around 2,000 people participate in the march, including men, women, and children, carrying banners and holding signs. The march is modeled on civil rights marches in the United States, using nonviolent direct action such as marches and sit‑ins. The atmosphere is initially described as a “holiday” by some participants, with a festive mood until police intervention.

As the march approaches Dungannon’s Market Square, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) orders a ban on entry and a meeting there. Behind the RUC line are 1,500 loyalists armed with cudgels and staves. The anti-civil rights countermarch has been organized by the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) with the help of the Rev. Ian Paisley. Confronted with this massive force, the civil rights marchers merely sit down and listen to a number of speeches, while Paisley and his followers sing sectarian songs and shout abuse from behind the RUC barricades. Police separate the two groups, preventing direct confrontation. On this day, the civil rights marchers escape harm but very soon all that would change.

Paisley rapidly makes a name for himself among hard-line loyalist groups. He later helps form a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA). In the near future, his followers use their cudgels and staves in the streets of the six counties in an attempt to physically beat back the rising tide of the civil rights movement. The cycle of violence in the six counties rapidly spins out of control, and Paisley is one of the individuals driving the surge of violence.

While the march is peaceful and well‑attended, it does not immediately lead to policy changes. It, however, is a pivotal moment in the Northern Ireland civil rights movement, raising national attention to housing discrimination and galvanising further protests, including a later demonstration at Derry Guildhall.

This event is remembered as a symbol of early, nonviolent resistance in Northern Ireland’s struggle for civil and political equality.

(Pictured: The first civil rights procession from Coalisland to Dungannon on August 24, 1968. Photo credit: Belfast Telegraph)


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Irish Nationalists Protest Across Northern Ireland

On August 14, 1969, in response to the escalating violence in Derry, County Londonderry, Irish nationalists hold protests across Northern Ireland, marking a turning point in the region’s political and sectarian conflict.

The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly Catholic Bogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.

Thousands of Catholic/nationalist residents, organised under the Derry Citizens’ Defence Association, resist the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and loyalist attacks. They build barricades, set up first aid posts, and even petrol bomb workshops. The RUC uses tear gas for the first time in United Kingdom police history, and residents fear the arrival of the armed Ulster Special Constabulary (B-Specials). The Bogside becomes a no-go area known as “Free Derry.”

On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.

By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.

The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.

In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.


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Death of Joan Trimble, Composer, Pianist & Newspaper Proprietor

Joan Trimble, Northern Irish composer, pianist, and newspaper proprietor, dies on August 6, 2000, in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh, Northern Ireland. 

Trimble is born on June 18, 1915, in Enniskillen, the elder daughter of William Egbert Trimble, proprietor of The Impartial Reporter, and Marie Dowse, a violinist from a Dublin family of musicians. She attends Enniskillen Royal School for Girls and is the school’s first Head Girl. She studies at the Royal Irish Academy of Music (RIAM), Trinity College Dublin (TCD), and the Royal College of Music in London, where she studies composition with Herbert Howells and Ralph Vaughan Williams, and piano with Arthur Benjamin. She and her sister Valerie become a celebrated piano duo, performing widely in the UK and Europe, and are known for their signature tune Jamaican Rumba.

Between 1959 and 1977, Trimble is professor of accompaniment and musicianship at the Royal College of Music.

Trimble’s compositional career spans two decades, producing works such as Buttermilk Point (1938), The Heather Glen (1949), Phantasy for Piano Trio (1940), and the suite Ulster Airs (1939–40). In 1957, she makes a notable mark by composing Blind Raftery, the first new opera by a woman to be broadcast on BBC Television.

Later in life, Trimble inherits her father’s newspaper, becoming its proprietor and editor, and takes up composition again in 1990 when commissioned for her 75th birthday. She dies in Enniskillen on August 6, 2000, at the age of 85, two weeks after the death of her husband. She is remembered for her contributions to Irish music, her skill as a pianist, and her role in preserving her family’s legacy in both the arts and journalism.

In 2002, the Joan Trimble Awards Scheme is established by her family in her memory, and administered by the Fermanagh Trust “in recognition of her lifelong commitment to County Fermanagh.” The purpose of the scheme is to encourage and support the involvement of young people in creativity, the performing arts and Irish culture, and to provide bursaries for training and education.

In 2012, Fermanagh County Museum stages an exhibition titled “Buttermilk Point: The Musical Life of Joan Trimble, 1915–2000.”

On June 18, 2015, “Music in Fermanagh” presents A Celebration Concert as part of the Joan Trimble Centenary Celebration at the Ardhowen Theatre in Enniskillen.


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The Belfast Shipyard Expulsions

On July 21, 1920, the Belfast Shipyard Expulsions take place as thousands of Catholic workers and socialists in Belfast’s shipyards are attacked and driven from their jobs following Edward Carson’s speech on the Twelfth at Finaghy during the annual industrial holiday. This day marks the first day back at work after the holiday, and the violence erupts in the shipyards, particularly in the Harland & Wolff yards.

The disturbances are part of a wider Belfast pogrom in 1920, rooted in sectarian tensions between unionist and nationalist communities. The Twelfth of July celebrations in Finaghy have been a focal point for nationalist and socialist mobilisation, and Carson’s speech is seen by many Catholic workers as inflammatory, stoking fears of reprisals.

The targeted groups of the expulsions include Catholic workers, trade unionists, and socialist activists, many of whom are from the working class “plebeian” strata. Reports describe beatings, assaults, and intimidation in the shipyards, with workers being pushed out of their posts or forced to leave premises. The expulsions disrupt shipbuilding operations, as skilled labour is removed from the workforce overnight. The events reinforce sectarian divisions, with unionist groups and some employers using the violence to assert control over the workforce.

By July 1920, newspapers are the main source of news, with current affairs often appearing on later pages. Coverage in papers such as the Belfast News Letter, Belfast Telegraph, The Irish Times, and Freeman’s Journal describe the expulsions as part of a broader outbreak of violence, but without the front-page headlines typical of later conflicts. The absence of radio broadcasts means that news is spread through print, handbills, and word of mouth.

The July 21, 1920, expulsions are a turning point in the sectarian conflict in Belfast, marking a shift from political mobilisation to direct, violent confrontation in the industrial heart of the city. They reflect the deep entrenchment of sectarianism in the shipbuilding industry and foreshadow further violence in the years leading up to the Irish Civil War.


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Death of Jean Osborne, Northern Irish Painter

Jean Osborne, a Northern Irish painter known for her oils and watercolours, dies on July 9, 1965, at the age of 39, at Lisburn Hospital in Lisburn, County Antrim, Northern Ireland, due to a brain tumour.

Osborne (née Meikle) is born on February 21, 1926 in Larne, County Antrim, the daughter of William Meikle who is a fitter at Harland & Wolff. She displays artistic talent from a young age, recognized at 20 by painter Paul Nietsche, and earns a scholarship from the Ministry of Education to pursue further studies. She trains at the Camberwell School of Arts & Crafts in London and later completes her National Diploma in Art and Design at the Belfast School of Art.

Osborne’s early career includes exhibitions in Belfast, London, and prominent Canadian galleries after she emigrates to Canada with her husband, fellow artist Dennis H. Osborne, in 1953. She exhibits works such as The Harmonica Player, a portrait of poet Barbara Hunter, and other pieces across Canada, gaining recognition for her skill in landscapes, portraits, and abstract forms.

Declining health due to a brain tumour forces Osborne to return to Northern Ireland in 1959. She settles first in Portadown and later in Lisburn, where she continues to paint despite her illness. She participates in exhibitions, including those of the Royal Ulster Academy of Arts and local art societies, maintaining her influence on the Northern Irish art scene.

Osborne dies at the age of 39 on July 9, 1965, in Lisburn Hospital due to complications from a brain tumour, which had been a long-standing health struggle. She leaves behind her husband, Dennis, and their daughter, Moya. Posthumously, her work is celebrated in memorial exhibitions, including those organized by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland and the Ulster Society of Women Artists, and several of her paintings, like Roots and Grief, are preserved in the Ulster Museum and Armagh County Museum.

Osborne is remembered as a gifted painter whose contributions to mid-20th-century art in both the United Kingdom and Canada reflect emotional depth, modernist abstraction, and a commitment to capturing natural forms, despite her life and career being cut tragically short.