Daniel O’Connell, a prominent political leader in Ireland, is known for his strong advocacy for Irish independence and his efforts to bring about reforms in the British government‘s treatment of Ireland. On February 17, 1846, he takes to the floor of Britain’s House of Commons to warn of the dangers of Ireland’s Great Hunger, also known as the Potato Famine.
In 1846, Ireland is in the midst of one of its greatest disasters – the Great Hunger, a period of mass starvation caused by the failure of the potato crop, the staple food of the Irish population. The conditions in Ireland are dire, with widespread poverty, disease, and death. In response to this crisis, O’Connell takes to the floor of Britain’s House of Commons to deliver a speech warning of the dangers of the situation in Ireland.
O’Connell begins his speech by pointing out the stark reality of the situation in Ireland, where people are dying of starvation on a daily basis. He draws the attention of the House to the fact that the Irish people are suffering because of a lack of food, and that this is due to the failure of the potato crop, which is the only source of sustenance for the majority of the population. He then goes on to argue that the British government is failing in its duty to provide relief to the Irish people and that they are turning a blind eye to the suffering of the Irish people.
O’Donnell then goes on to make a passionate plea for the British government to take action to alleviate the suffering of the Irish people. He argues that the government has a moral obligation to help the Irish people and that their failure to do so will be a stain on their reputation. He also warns that the situation in Ireland is rapidly deteriorating and that unless the British government takes action soon, the situation could become much worse.
O’Connell ends his speech by calling on the British government to take immediate action to provide food and assistance to the Irish people. He argues that the government should do everything in its power to prevent further starvation and death in Ireland and that the British people have a duty to help their fellow citizens in Ireland.
O’Connell’s speech in the House of Commons is an important moment in the history of Ireland and its relationship with Britain. It is a powerful reminder of the suffering of the Irish people and a call to action for the British government to take responsibility for the crisis in Ireland. The speech is significant in that it brings attention to the plight of the Irish people and highlights the moral obligation of the British government to help those in need.
O’Connell’s speech is also significant in that it demonstrates his strong leadership skills and his ability to effectively advocate for the rights of the Irish people. His passion and commitment to helping the Irish people inspires many others to join the cause and fight for justice for the Irish people.
(From: “On This Day: Daniel O’Connell addressed British government warning of Great Hunger” by IrishCentral Staff, http://www.IrishCentral.com, February 17, 2023)
Lemass is the son of Seán Lemass, a Fianna Fáil TD and fourth Taoiseach of Ireland, and Kathleen Lemass (née Hughes). He is named after his uncle, a victim of the Irish Civil War in the early 1920s. He is educated at Catholic University School, Leeson Street in Dublin and later at Newbridge College in Newbridge, County Kildare. Against his father’s wishes, rather than attend university, he undertakes business training and later becomes an executive member and branch secretary of the Irish Commercial Travellers’ Association.
Lemass follows his father into politics in 1955, when he is elected to Dublin City Council. He is elected to Dáil Éireann in a by-election in Dublin South-West the following year. The by-election is a loss for Fine Gael, who is in government at the time, and whose TD had held the seat for a number of years.
Lemass is active in a number of political councils and other groupings. From 1966 to 1968, he is a member of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe. He is also a member of the Irish-British Parliamentary Group and the Irish-French Parliamentary Group.
In 1969, Lemass is appointed as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance, with responsibility for the Office of Public Works. In his first year at the Department, he serves under his brother-in-law, Charles Haughey, and later under George Colley.
When Fianna Fáil loses office in 1973, Lemass is named spokesperson for physical planning and the environment. He holds that position until January 1975, when he is dropped from the front bench.
Lemass’s political career, a career in which he is invariably judged in comparison to his father, is cut short when he dies suddenly in Dublin on April 13, 1976. He is buried at Dean’s Grange Cemetery, Deansgrange, County Dublin. His widow enters the Dáil following his death.
Barnes is educated at the Louis Convent, Carrickmacross, County Monaghan. After the birth of her first child, she later says she suffers from postpartum depression, a condition largely unrecognised in Ireland at the time. She is told by her doctor to “pull yourself together,” and subsequently she sets up a support group for women suffering from the condition and begins to take an interest in equality and women’s rights. She is a co-founder of the Council for the Status of Women (now the National Women’s Council of Ireland) in 1973, a move which prompts her to fully commit herself to politics.
Barnes also unsuccessfully contests the European Parliament election for the Leinster constituency in 1979 and 1994.
Barnes dies at the age of 82 on May 2, 2018, at Glenageary, Dublin.
Following Barnes’s death, TaoiseachLeo Varadkar says in a statement, “Monica Barnes was an inspiration for so many people in the Fine Gael party and beyond. She was particularly inspirational for women and younger members of our party. Monica gave great service to Fine Gael and to the people of Dún Laoghaire, having been encouraged to enter the political arena by [former Taoiseach] Garret FitzGerald, as a result of her work in the women’s movement.”
PresidentMichael D. Higgins says, “I am very saddened to learn of the death of former TD and Senator, Monica Barnes, who provided exceptional public service to the people of Dún Laoghaire and Ireland over many years. Monica was a proud feminist and championed women’s rights throughout her parliamentary career and beyond. She was a pioneer in the struggle for a space for women’s rights to be discussed.”
Barnes is credited as a feminist and an advocate of women’s rights. She is seen as having made a critical intervention that led to the passing of the Health (Family Planning) (Amendment) Bill 1985, which gives Irish adults the right to purchase non-medical contraceptives without having to get a doctor’s prescription, which passed the Dáil by a narrow margin.
Reynolds is educated at Summerhill College in Sligo, County Sligo and works for a state transport company before succeeding at a variety of entrepreneurial ventures, including promoting dances and owning ballrooms, a pet-food factory, and newspapers. In 1974 he is elected to the Longford County Council as a member of Fianna Fáil. He enters Dáil Éireann, lower house of the Oireachtas, the Irish parliament, in 1977 as a member representing the Longford-Westmeath parliamentary constituency and becomes Minister for Posts and Telegraphs in Haughey’s Fianna Fáil government (1979–81). He is subsequently Minister of Industry and Commerce (1987–88) and Minister for Finance (1988–91) in Haughey’s third and fourth governments. He breaks with Haughey in December 1991. On January 30, 1992, Haughey retires as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. Reynolds easily defeats his rivals Mary O’Rourke and Michael Woods in the party leadership election and succeeds Haughey as Taoiseach on February 11, 1992.
The Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democratscoalition that Reynolds inherits breaks up in November 1992 but, after the general election later that month, he surprises many observers by forming a new coalition government with the Labour Party in January 1993. He plays a significant part in bringing about a ceasefire between the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and unionist paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland in 1994, but he is less effective in maintaining his governing coalition. When this government founders in November 1994, he resigns as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil, though he remains acting prime minister until a new government is formed the following month. He unsuccessfully seeks his party’s nomination as a candidate for the presidency of Ireland in 1997. He retires from public life in 2002.
On February 21, 1910, Carson accepts the parliamentary leadership of the anti-Home Rule Irish Unionists and, forfeiting his chance to lead the British Conservative Party, devotes himself entirely to the Ulster cause. His dislike of southern Irish separatism is reinforced by his belief that the heavy industry of Belfast is necessary to the economic survival of Ireland. The Liberal government (1908–16) under H. H. Asquith, which in 1912 decides to prepare a Home Rule bill, cannot overcome the effect of his extra-parliamentary opposition. The Solemn League and Covenant of resistance to Home Rule, signed by Carson and other leaders in Belfast on September 28, 1912, and afterward by thousands of Ulstermen, is followed by his establishment of a provisional government in Belfast in September 1913. Early in that year he recruits a private Ulster army, the Ulster Volunteer Force, that openly drills for fighting in the event that the Home Rule Bill is enacted. In preparation for a full-scale civil war, he successfully organizes the landing of a large supply of weapons from Germany at Larne, County Antrim, on April 24, 1914. The British government, however, begins to make concessions to Ulster unionists, and on the outbreak of World War I he agrees to a compromise whereby the Home Rule Bill is enacted but its operation suspended until the end of the war on the understanding that Ulster’s exclusion will then be reconsidered.
Appointed Attorney General for England in Asquith’s wartime coalition ministry on May 25, 1915, Carson resigns on October 19 because of his dissatisfaction with the conduct of the war. In David Lloyd George’s coalition ministry (1916–22) he is First Lord of the Admiralty from December 10, 1916, to July 17, 1917, and then a member of the war cabinet as minister without portfolio until January 21, 1918.
Carson retires in October 1929. In July 1932, during his last visit to Northern Ireland, he witnesses the unveiling of a large statue of himself in front of Parliament Buildings at Stormont. The statue is sculpted by Leonard Stanford Merrifield, cast in bronze and placed upon a plinth. The inscription on the base reads “By the loyalists of Ulster as an expression of their love and admiration for its subject.” It is unveiled by James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon, in the presence of more than 40,000 people.
Carson lives at Cleve Court, a Queen Anne house near Minster-in-Thanet in the Isle of Thanet, Kent, bought in 1921. It is here that he dies peacefully on October 22, 1935. A warship brings his body to Belfast for the funeral. Thousands of shipworkers stop work and bow their heads as HMS Broke steams slowly up Belfast Lough, with his flag-draped coffin sitting on the quarterdeck. Britain gives him a state funeral on Saturday, October 26, 1935, which takes place in Belfast’s St. Anne’s Cathedral. He remains the only person to have been buried there. From a silver bowl, soil from each of the six counties of Northern Ireland is scattered onto his coffin, which had earlier been covered by the Union Jack. At his funeral service the choir sings his own favourite hymn, “I Vow to Thee, My Country.”
A notable aspect of McGahon’s political career is his stand against the Provisional IRA when that organisation’s campaign of violence is at its height. At great personal risk, he refuses to close his newsagents shop in Dundalk during the funerals of the hunger strikers in 1981. He takes another huge risk a few years later when he gives evidence in the High Court in support of The Sunday Times, which is being sued for libel by Thomas Murphy for accusing him of directing an IRA bombing campaign in Britain. Local Gardaí are ordered not to get involved in the case, but McGahon is not deterred from giving evidence that helps the newspaper to defend the claims being made against it by Murphy.
A maverick and outspoken TD, McGahon is known to speak his mind on many issues including divorce, crime, and single mothers. He once advocates that pedophiles should be castrated as part of their prison sentence and is the only TD to oppose the referendum to abolish the death penalty from the Constitution. He also argues that those under 21 years of age should not be able to drive or drink. He is a member of the World Anti-Communist League and opposes the decriminalisation of homosexuality. In 1993, he is the only TD to oppose the decriminalisation of homosexuality and says in the Dáil that:
“I regard homosexuals as being in a sad category, but I believe homosexuality to be an abnormality, some type of psycho-sexual problem that has defied explanation over the years. I do not believe that the Irish people desire this normalisation of what is clearly an abnormality. Homosexuality is a departure from normality and while homosexuals deserve our compassion, they do not deserve our tolerance. That is how the man in the street thinks. I know of no homosexual who has been discriminated against. Such people have a persecution complex because they know they are different from the masses or normal society. They endure inner torment, and it is not a question of the way others view them. The lord provided us with sexual organs for a specific purpose. Homosexuals are like left-hand drivers driving on the right-hand side of the road.”
On the other hand, McGahon speaks out strongly against the influence of the drink industry and defies his own party whip to vote with his left-wing friend Tony Gregory in favour of banning of hare coursing. He is also on good personal terms with members of the Oireachtas such as Michael D. Higgins and David Norris despite holding fundamentally opposed views to them.
McGahon does not contest the 2002 Irish general election and retires from politics.
McGahon lives in Ravensdale, County Louth. His son Conor is a Louth County Councillor from 1991 to 1999 and his brother Johnny is a Louth County Councillor from 1995 to 2004. Johnny’s nephew, John McGahon, is elected to Louth County Council at the 2014 Irish local elections and to Seanad Éireann in 2020.
McGahon dies at the age of 80 on February 8, 2017, following a short illness. Following a Mass at St. Patrick’s Cathedral on February 11, he is buried afterwards in St. Patrick’s Cemetery.
Roberts is the son of Randall Roberts, a baker, and Mary Roberts (née Bishop). He is educated locally and in July 1849 leaves with his family for the United States. For several years he works as a clerk for a dry goods company in New York City. In 1857, he sets up his own dry goods business, the Crystal Palace, which becomes successful. He retires in 1869 as a very wealthy man.
Having joined the American Fenian Brotherhood in 1863, Roberts gives it strong financial support for the remainder of the decade. He also supports several Irish American charitable organisations, including the Knights of St. Patrick, of which he is president. In October 1865, he is responsible for a change in the constitution of the Fenian Brotherhood, which results in a split in the movement. The majority of the Brotherhood supports his proposal to elect a “senate” to govern the organisation, with himself as president, in place of the autocratic leader, John O’Mahony. After the suppression of the Irish People and the arrest of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) leaders in Dublin in September 1865, he believes that it to be foolish to send American Fenian troops to Ireland.
Seeking to capitalise on the bad relations that develop between the United States and Britain during the American Civil War, Roberts hopes that a Fenian Brotherhood invasion Canada might provoke a war between Britain and the United States and thereby make a successful insurrection in Ireland more possible. Once the invasion takes place (May 31 – June 3, 1866), however, the American government seizes the Fenians’ supplies and reinforcements, thereby prompting him to abandon the attack. He is arrested in New York on June 7 and detained in prison but escapes prosecution and is released on June 15. Three days later, with the support of Irish American politicians, he is allowed to deliver an address to the United States Senate appealing for support for the cause of the amnesty of IRB prisoners in Ireland. Thereafter he goes on a lecture tour and argues that American politicians cannot hope to receive Irish American electoral support if they do not support the Fenian cause. In response to demands from Irish American politicians, in September 1866, PresidentAndrew Johnson orders that the arms seized by the United States army be returned to the Fenian Brotherhood.
After the failure of the March 1867 rising in Ireland, Roberts sends men to Ireland to assume command of the IRB on his behalf. A significant number of IRB men follow his lead, and in June 1867 a convention is held in Paris over which he presides. At this he proposes the establishment of a Supreme Council to govern the IRB, a proposal that is soon accepted. He seeks to be appointed president of the new Supreme Council, but the IRB refuses owing to his being such a divisive figure within American Fenianism. In dismay he resigns as president of the Senate wing of the Fenian Brotherhood on December 31, 1867, and becomes less active in the revolutionary movement. In 1870, he opposes the attempt of Fenians to invade Canada once more, and in January 1871 organises a welcoming committee in New York for five recently released IRB leaders who had been banished from Ireland.
By that time, however, Roberts is more concerned with American politics. During 1870, he is elected to Congress as a Democratic Party candidate for New York, a seat he holds until 1874 when, due to financial difficulties, he decides not to run for reelection. As a congressman, he criticises the Republican government for its policy towards the former Confederate states, opposes the increasing power of railroad companies, demands greater protection for American citizens living in foreign countries (including the Fenians imprisoned in Canada), and supports civil rights for black people. He also attracts much praise for his strong criticism of British foreign policy.
After leaving Congress, Roberts becomes a member of the Tammany Society and attains prominence in New York municipal politics, being elected president of the New York City Board of Aldermen in 1878. The following year, he runs for the position of sheriff of New York but is defeated. Thereafter, he leaves the Tammany Society and establishes a rival organisation, the New York County Democracy. In 1882, he supports Grover Cleveland for the governorship of New York and in 1884 as the Democratic candidate for the United States presidency. He is rewarded on April 2, 1885, when President Cleveland appoints him Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Chile.
Roberts’s term of office is cut short, however, when he suffers a paralytic stroke in May 1888. He is sent back to New York and to hospital, where he remains for nine years. He never regains his mental or physical health and dies on August 9, 1897. His funeral takes place on hospital grounds with few people in attendance. He had been separated from his wife, of whom nothing is known, except that they had at least one son, prior to being admitted to hospital. He is buried at Calvary Cemetery, Queens, New York City.
(From: “Roberts, William Randall” by Owen McGee, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Logue grows up outside the village of Claudy in County Londonderry, the eldest of nine children born to Denis Logue, a bricklayer, and Kathleen (née Devine). He gains a scholarship to St. Columb’s College which he attends from 1961 to 1967. In 1967, he commences at St. Joseph’s Teacher Training college (Queen’s University) in Belfast from which he qualifies as a teacher of Mathematics in 1970. He first comes to prominence as a member of the executive of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), the only SDLP member of the executive. He stands as a candidate in elections to the new Northern Ireland Assembly in 1973 and is elected for Londonderry, at the age of 24, the youngest candidate elected that year. With John Hume and Ivan Cooper, he is arrested by the British Army during a peaceful demonstration in Londonderry in August 1971. Their conviction is ultimately overturned by the Law LordsR. (Hume) v Londonderry Justices (972, N.I.91) requiring the then British Government to introduce retrospective legislation to render legal previous British Army actions in Northern Ireland.
The Northern Ireland State Papers of 1980 show that together with John Hume and Austin Currie, Logue plays a key role in presenting the SDLP’S ‘Three Strands’ approach to the Thatcher Government’s Secretary of State for Northern IrelandHumphrey Atkins in April 1980. The “Three Strands” approach eventually becomes the basis for the Good Friday Agreement. The Irish State papers from 1980 reveal that he is a confidante of the Irish Government of that time, briefing it regularly on the SDLP’s outlook.
Logue is also known for his controversial comments at Trinity College Dublin at the time of the power sharingSunningdale Agreement, which many blame for helping to contribute to the Agreement’s defeat, to wit, that: [Sunningdale was] “the vehicle that would trundle Unionists into a united Ireland.” The next line of the controversial speech says, “the speed the vehicle moved at was dependent on the Unionist community.” In an article in The Irish Times in 1997 he claims that this implies that unity is always based on consent and acknowledged by Unionist Spokesman John Laird in the NI Assembly in 1973.
Logue unsuccessfully contests the Londonderry seat in the February 1974 and 1979 Westminster Elections. He is elected to the 1975 Northern Ireland Constitutional Convention and the 1982 Northern Ireland Assembly. He is a member of the New Ireland Forum in 1983. In the 1980s he is a member of the Irish Commission for Justice and Peace and plays a prominent part in its efforts to resolve the 1981 Irish hunger strike. His role is credited in Ten Men Dead: The Story of the 1981 Irish Hunger Strike by David Beresford, Biting the Grave by P. O’Malley and, more recently, in Blanketmen: An Untold Story of the H-block Hunger Strike (New Island Books, 2016) and Afterlives: The Hunger Strike and the Secret Offer that Changed Irish History (Lilliput Press, 2011) by former Provisional Irish Republican ArmyvolunteerRichard O’Rawe. Following the New Ireland Forum in 1984 and John Hume’s decision to represent the redrawn Londonderry constituency as Foyle and a safe seat, Logue leaves the Dublin-based, National Board for Science and Technology and joins the European Commission in 1984 in Brussels.
Following the 1994 Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire, Logue, along with two EU colleagues, is asked by EU President Jacques Delors to consult widely throughout Northern Ireland and the Border regions and prepare recommendations for a Peace and Reconciliation Fund to underpin the peace process. Their community-based approach becomes the blueprint for the Peace Programme. In 1997, then EU President Jacques Santer asks the team, led by Logue, to return to review the programme and advise for a renewed Peace II programme. Papers published by National University Galway in 2016 from Logue’s archives indicate that he is the originator of the Peace Fund concept within the European Commission.
At the European Commission from 1984 to 1998, Logue creates Science and Technology for Regional Innovation and Development in Europe (STRIDE). In 1992, he is joint author with Giovanni de Gaetano, of RTD potential in the Mezzogiorno of Italy: the role of science parks in a European perspective and, with A. Zabaniotou and University of Thessaloniki, Structural Support For RTD.
Further publications by Logue follow: Research and Rural Regions (1996) and RTD potential in the Objective 1 regions (1997). With the fall of the Berlin Wall, his attention turns to Eastern Europe and in March 1998 publishes a set of studies Impact of the enlargement of the European Union towards central central and Eastern European countries on RTD- Innovation and Structural policies.
Logue convenes the first EU seminar on “Women in Science” in 1993 and jointly publishes with LM Telapessy Women in Scientific and Technological Research in the European Community, highlighting the barriers to women’s advancement in the Research world.
As the former vice-chairman of the North Derry Civil Rights Association, Logue gives evidence at the Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday. He is special adviser to the Office of First and Deputy First Minister from 1998 to 2002 and as an official of the European Commission. In 2002–03, he is a fellow of the Institute for British – Irish Studies at University College Dublin (UCD). In July 2006, he is appointed as a board member of the Irish Peace Institute, based at the University of Limerick and in 2009 is appointed Vice Chairman. He is a Life Member of the Institute of International and European Affairs.
On December 17, 2007, Logue is appointed as a director to InterTradeIreland (ITI), the North-South Body established under the Good Friday Agreement to promote economic development in Ireland. There he chairs the ITI’s Fusion programme, bringing north–south industrial development in Innovation and Research. Integrating Ireland economically is a theme of his writing throughout his career, most recently in The Irish Times and in earlier publications as economic spokesman for the SDLP. He is economist at the Dublin-based National Board for Science and Technology from 1981 to 1984.
Logue, after leaving the European Commission in 2005, becomes involved in Renewable Energy and is chairman of Priority Resources as well as a director of two companies, one in solar energy, the other in wind energy. In November 2011, he is elected to the main board of European Association of Energy (EAE).
In November 2023, Logue is awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Galway in recognition of “a lifetime dedicated to civil rights, human rights, equality and peace in Northern Ireland, Ireland and Europe.” He donates an archive of material, more than 20 boxes of manuscripts, documents, photographs and political ephemera, on the development of the SDLP from the early 1970s to the University of Galway.
TaoiseachBrian Cowen resigns as leader of the ruling Fianna Fáil party on January 22, 2011. Having won a secret leadership ballot on Tuesday, January 18, during a week of political turmoil, he says he will remain at the head of government until the upcoming election on March 11, 2011.
“I’m concerned that renewed internal criticism of Fianna Fáil is deflecting attention from this important debate,” Cowen says. “Therefore, taking everything into account after discussing the matter with my family I have taken on my own counsel, the decision to step down.”
Cowen says he spoke to John Gormley, leader of the junior coalition party, the Green Party, before making the announcement. He says his resignation will not affect government business.
“My political assessment is that this is the right thing to do for the party,” Cowen says at a press conference at the Merrion Hotel in central Dublin. “But it’s about me directing my attention to the country.”
During the past week, six ministers resigned, and Cowen’s cabinet reshuffle collapsed, prompting a Green Party threat to pull out of the coalition government.
“I believe that it was my duty to put in place the best possible team we could to fight this election to put them on the frontbench and into position,” Cowen says. “It was not a cynical view by me, it was a political act.”
Opposition parties demand Cowen set a new date for the general election. The Fine Gael leader, Enda Kenny, says he would move a motion of no confidence in Cowen as Taoiseach in the Dáil on Tuesday, January 25, unless he goes to the president to seek a dissolution of parliament. He says his party will also vote against the government in upcoming motion of confidence previously put forward by the Labour Party.
The Labour Party leader, Eamon Gilmore, says the Irish people do not want the government to remain in office another day. “It is simply not tenable for Cowen to remain on as Taoiseach as his colleagues in Fianna Fáil squabble over the remnants of their party,” he says.
The Sinn Féin president, Gerry Adams, says Cowen’s decision will lead to further instability. “The government and Fianna Fáil are in chaos. Their focus is not on the problems facing the country,” he says.
(From: “Irish prime minister Brian Cowen resigns as party leader” by David Batty, The Guardian, http://www.theguardian.com, January 22, 2011)
On January 21, 2002, Sinn Féin‘s four MPs take the historic step of signing up to use the facilities of the House of Commons, whose authority over Northern Irelandrepublicans have been fighting for almost a century. Party policy is also changed to allow MPs to sit in the Irish Parliament, the Dáil.
Amid concern among some republicans that the move comes close to recognising British rule, Sinn Féin president and Belfast West MP, Gerry Adams, insists that his party will never take its seats at Westminster. “There will never ever be Sinn Féin MPs sitting in the British houses of parliament,” he tells a Westminster press conference.
However, flanked by his three fellow Sinn Féin MPs, Martin McGuinness (Mid Ulster), Pat Doherty (West Tyrone) and Michelle Gildernew (Fermanagh and South Tyrone), Adams says taking up seats in the Dáil is a very different proposition from doing so the Commons. No Sinn Féin member would take the loyalty oath to the Queen, needed to take up a seat in Parliament, but that was a mere side issue to the key question of sovereignty, he says. Even if the oath were amended, the party would still refuse to take its seats because republicans do not recognise parliament’s jurisdiction over Northern Ireland.
“There are lots of things which there can be no certainty of and there are some things of which we can be certain,” Adams says. “There will never, ever be Sinn Féin MPs sitting in the British Houses of Parliament. The transfer of power by London and Dublin to the Assembly in the north … is all proof of where we see the political centre of gravity on the island of Ireland and that is in the island of Ireland.”
Adams insists his party’s presence in the Commons is a “temporary” measure until they can join the parliament of a united Ireland.
A ban on MPs using Commons facilities without taking the loyalty oath was lifted in December 2001 to Conservative fury. Tories end three decades of cross-party cooperation over the move, which also entitles Sinn Féin’s four MPs to allowances of £107,000 a year each.
Shadow Secretary of State for Northern IrelandQuentin Davies claims Adams plans to use the cash for party political campaigning – something forbidden by Westminster rules. He accuses British Prime MinisterTony Blair of “deliberately contributing to a great propaganda coup in which … the British Government are licking their boots.” The Prime Minister’s spokesman says Blair acknowledges “many victims do feel very strongly about what has happened, but the Prime Minister’s view is that this peace process has saved many lives.”
Sitting alongside a giant Irish tricolour inside his new office, Adams likens his presence there to that of MPs who had served in the British Army and intelligence services – suggesting some of them still do. He also dismisses concerns about the misuse of the money, accusing those “complaining loudest” of being from parties “indicted for corruption and sleaze.”
Sinn Féin’s move into their new offices coincides with a “routine” meeting with the Prime Minister in Downing Street to discuss the peace process. The Sinn Féin president uses publicity surrounding the controversial move to issue a new challenge to Blair to tackle the loyalist “killing campaign.” Adams is joined in Downing Street by his three fellow Sinn Féin MPs.
“There have been 300 bombs over the last nine or ten months,” Adams says. “The British Prime Minister has to face up to the reality that the threat to the peace process within Northern Ireland comes from within loyalism.”
Adams blames Betty Boothroyd‘s decision to bar Sinn Féin MPs from using Commons facilities for the current controversy. “We are here, elected, with our mandate renewed and increased,” he adds.
Adams is asked how he would react if he met former Cabinet minister Lord Tebbit and his wife, who was badly injured by the 1984 Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) bomb attack at the Tories conference at the Grand Brighton Hotel in Brighton, at the Commons. “I don’t ignore anyone. As someone who has been wounded and shot and someone whose house has been bombed, I understand precisely how others who have suffered more than me feel about all of this,” Adams replies. “I would like to think that as part of building a peace process that all of us agree there must be dialogue.”
(Pictured: from left, Sinn Fein MPs Michelle Gildernew, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams and Pat Doherty)
seamus dubhghaill 