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Category Archives: Free State & Republic (1922-Present)


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Anti-Treaty IRA 4th Northern Division Attacks Dundalk

On August 16, 1922, three hundred men of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) 4th Northern Division, commanded by Frank Aiken, launches an attack on Dundalk in County Louth during the early phase of the Irish Civil War. This operation is part of a broader campaign by Anti-Treaty forces to resist the newly established Irish Free State army and to disrupt Free State control in the border counties.

By mid-1922, the Irish Civil War begins after the Anglo-Irish Treaty splits the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The 4th Northern Division, based in counties Armagh, Down, and Louth, is one of the most formidable Anti-Treaty units in the region. Frank Aiken, a veteran IRA commander, has rebuilt this division during the Truce period, using it for guerrilla operations and border raids.

The Free State Army, under the National Army, is consolidating control in southern and midland counties, while Anti-Treaty forces focus on border counties to prevent Free State expansion and to maintain resistance.

The August 16 assault on Dundalk is a border raid aimed at disrupting Free State supply lines and communications, isolating and weakening Free State positions in the Louth area and demonstrating Anti-Treaty strength to other IRA units and the wider population. They use two mines to breach the walls of the barracks and temporarily take over the town.

Seven Free State soldiers are killed and fifteen are wounded. Two republicans are killed, accidentally by one of their own mines, and thirty are wounded. About 240 republican prisoners are freed from the prison and 400 rifles are taken. Aiken, however, does not try to hold the town and, while in possession of it, calls for a truce in a meeting in the town square.

While the attack is significant in symbolic terms, it does not achieve a decisive strategic breakthrough. Free State forces are able to regroup and counterattack, and the operation highlights the challenges Anti-Treaty units face in sustaining large-scale offensives against a better-equipped and more mobile National Army.

The raid exemplifies the “war along the border” strategy, where Anti-Treaty forces target Free State-held border towns and infrastructure. Aiken’s leadership as commander of the 4th Northern Division underscores his reputation as a skilled guerrilla leader. The attack reflects the early Civil War pattern of small-scale, mobile raids by Anti-Treaty forces against Free State-held towns and garrisons.

In summary, the August 16, 1922, Dundalk attack is a notable Anti-Treaty IRA operation that showcases the 4th Northern Division’s capabilities but also the limitations of their conventional-style assaults against the Free State’s growing military presence.

(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division of the Irish Republican Army)


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The Consecration of Galway Cathedral

The Cathedral of Our Lady Assumed into Heaven and St. Nicholas, commonly known as Galway Cathedral, in Galway, County Galway, is consecrated by Cardinal Richard Cushing, Archbishop of Boston and Papal Legate for the Holy See, on August 15, 1965. The date is significant as it falls on the Feast of the Assumption of Mary, to whom the cathedral is dedicated alongside Saint Nicholas, patron saint of sailors and merchants.

The consecration is a major ecclesiastical event attended by President Éamon de Valera, who lights the sanctuary candle, and by Cardinal William Conway, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, who celebrates Mass. Bishop Michael Browne, Bishop of Galway and Kilmacduagh, is accompanied at the altar by four archbishops, underscoring the cathedral’s importance as the mother church of the Diocese of Galway and Kilmacduagh. Thousands of people gather for the blessing, which begins with a procession from the Convent of Mercy to the cathedral’s front entrance.

Galway Cathedral is built on the site of the old city prison, with construction starting in 1958 and completion in 1965. Designed by architect John J. Robinson, it is a striking example of Renaissance Revival architecture, with influences from Romanesque and Gothic styles. Constructed almost entirely of local limestone, it features an octagonal dome 44.2 metres (145 ft.) high, supported by eight pillars each adorned with a mosaic of one of the Beatitudes.

The consecration marks the opening of the cathedral as the last great stone cathedral to be built in Europe. The dedication to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven reflects both Marian devotion and the city’s maritime heritage, while the building itself stands as a testament to Galway’s cultural and religious identity.

In summary, August 15, 1965, is a historic day for Galway, when Cardinal Richard Cushing’s consecration of the new cathedral brings together national and international religious figures, Irish political leadership, and the faithful in a celebration of faith, heritage, and architecture.


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Liam Lynch & the Anti-Treaty IRA Abandon Fermoy

On August 11, 1922, Liam Lynch, Chief of Staff of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA), abandons Fermoy — the last major republican-held town in County Cork — as the Free State forces advance. This marks a significant turning point in the Irish Civil War, symbolizing the collapse of the IRA’s last strongholds in County Cork.

By mid-1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA is in retreat after the Anglo-Irish Treaty has split the IRA into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Lynch, a staunch opponent of the Treaty, had been appointed Chief of Staff in April 1922 to unify the Anti-Treaty leadership. Fermoy, a key County Cork town, has been a republican stronghold since the Irish War of Independence, but by August 1922, it is under increasing pressure from Free State troops.

Fermoy’s surrender is not a single battle but a series of engagements and encirclements. Free State forces have been systematically dismantling republican positions in County Cork, and Fermoy’s defenses are proving unsustainable. Lynch, recognizing the strategic and tactical inevitability of defeat, orders the withdrawal of IRA forces from the town. This move effectively ends the IRA’s presence in Cork city and its surrounding areas.

Fermoy’s fall is a strategic loss as it removes the last major republican-held town in County Cork, cutting off supply lines and communication with other Anti-Treaty strongholds. The abandonment underscores the crumbling of the Anti-Treaty position and the Free State’s consolidation of control over the south. It also results in a leadership shift as Lynch’s decision reflects his pragmatic approach — while ideologically opposed to the Treaty, he seeks to avoid further bloodshed and preserve the IRA’s remaining forces.

Following Fermoy’s fall, Lynch continues to command the Anti-Treaty IRA from the south, but without a major base. His leadership soon faces further challenges, culminating in his death on April 10, 1923, during a pursuit by Free State troops in the Knockmealdown Mountains.

In short, the abandonment of Fermoy on August 11, 1922, is both a military and symbolic end to the Anti-Treaty IRA’s last stronghold in County Cork, accelerating the end of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch, shortly before the start of the Civil War. Photo © RTE Photographic Archive)


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The Hanging of IRA members Reginald Dunne & Joseph O’Sullivan

Reginald Dunne and Joseph O’Sullivan, members of the London Battalion of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), are hanged at Wandsworth Prison on August 10, 1922, for the assassination of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on June 22, 1922.

Wilson, a senior British Army officer and military advisor to the Belfast Government (Stormont), is shot dead on the steps of his Eaton Square home in London as he returns from an unveiling ceremony at Liverpool Street station. Dunne and O’Sullivan, both former British Army soldiers, have joined the London IRA and are active in the anti-Treaty republican movement. O’Sullivan lost a leg at Ypres, Belgium, in 1917, while Dunne served in the Irish Guards during World War I.

The killing is widely seen as a political act, with Dunne and O’Sullivan claiming to have acted in defence of Irish nationalist principles, blaming Wilson for the “Orange Terror” and the deployment of the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). Some historians suggest the assassination may have been intended to pressure Michael Collins to attack the Four Courts garrison, though no conclusive evidence of orders was ever established.

After the shooting, Dunne escapes but O’Sullivan is captured by a hostile crowd. Dunne attempts to rescue him but is himself arrested after wounding two police officers and a passerby. Both are tried quickly, found guilty after just three minutes of deliberation, and sentenced to death by Justice Montague Shearman.

Despite petitions from 45,000 people and appeals from figures like George Bernard Shaw, both men are executed on August 10, 1922, and buried within the prison grounds.

The executions are a major political flashpoint. It is only after the abolition of hanging that the law is changed and Joseph’s brother, with the assistance of the Irish National Graves Association, is able to arrange for the bodies of the two men to be repatriated to Ireland.

In 1967, the British government allows the bodies of Dunne and O’Sullivan to be exhumed and returned to Ireland. Former comrades accompany the bodies from England to Dublin Airport, where they place an Irish tricolour flag on Dunne’s coffin. This is the same flag that Dunne had placed on the coffin of Terence MacSwiney at Euston railway station when his body was returned to Cork in 1920.

Graveside orations are held in Dublin, attended by former comrades, Michael Collins’s associates, and representatives of Éamon de Valera, the president of Ireland. The bodies are reinterred in Dean’s Grange Cemetery outside Dublin in 1967.

Dunne’s trial speech, reprinted in the Irish Independent, remains a notable piece of republican political rhetoric, framing the act as a necessary stand for Irish rights.

(Pictured: Joseph O’Sullivan (left) and Reginald Dunne (right))


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The First Vietnamese Boat People Arrive in Ireland

On August 9, 1979, Ireland welcomes its first group of Vietnamese refugees, known as the “boat people,” under a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) resettlement initiative. These are Vietnamese who have fled the communist takeover of Vietnam after the fall of Saigon in 1975, enduring perilous journeys across the South China Sea in small boats.

The first arrivals come on a flight from Hong Kong, with 58 Vietnamese refugees disembarking at Dublin Airport. They are met by members of the Irish Red Cross and Minister for Foreign Affairs Michael O’Kennedy, who assures them of Ireland’s willingness to help. The refugees are taken by bus to a Red Cross centre in Blanchardstown for initial accommodation.

Many of the refugees have spent months in refugee camps in Hong Kong and Malaysia, often rescued from overcrowded boats after long, dangerous voyages. Some, like Tri Quoc Nguyen, recall the smell of vomit and sweat from days at sea, and the trauma of internment for family members. Delays in resettlement elsewhere—such as the United States—leads some to choose Ireland for its perceived safety and shorter wait.

The Irish government invites these refugees, and religious and non-governmental organisations play a major role in resettlement. The first group of about 212 Vietnamese is dispersed to various Irish towns, including Tralee, Portlaoise, and Cork. Many later move to Dublin, where they begin building new lives.

Over the decades, the Vietnamese-Irish community has grown into a well-established ethnic minority in Ireland, with contributions in business, education, and culture. Many open Vietnamese restaurants and community businesses, and maintain strong family and cultural ties.

This August 9, 1979 event marks the beginning of a significant chapter in Irish migration history, symbolising Ireland’s role in humanitarian resettlement during the late 20th century.

(Photo credit: RTÉ Stills Library)


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The Free State Seaborne Landings in Cork

On the morning of August 8, 1922, the National Army of the Irish Free State launches a decisive seaborne assault on Cork, County Cork, the Free State’s second largest city, which is held by anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) forces. The operation begins at Passage West, a ferry port and fishing village on the estuary of the River Lee, where the steamship Arvonia docks. The anti-Treaty IRA garrison in Cobh across the bay opens fire with three machine guns, but the National Army troops on deck respond with silence, surprising the sentry who had fired a warning shot.

Over 200 pro-Treaty soldiers disembark, quickly securing the town. The Arvonia is unloaded with 450 troops, an 18-pounder field gun, and several armoured cars. Simultaneously, landings are made at Youghal in east County Cork and Union Hall near Skibbereen in west County Cork, disgorging another 350 troops. This is part of Michael Collins’s plan to seize Cork and end the Irish Civil War swiftly.

Cork is a flashpoint of the Treaty split. While the majority of IRA fighters in the county oppose the Anglo-Irish Treaty, the majority of civilians support it. There are also strong neutral tendencies and peace calls within Cork’s civil and military communities. The Free State’s move aims to break the “Munster Republic” stronghold and force a rapid political settlement.

The landing marks the start of the Battle for Cork, which intensifies over the next days. National Army forces advance toward Cork city, encountering fierce resistance from anti-Treaty IRA positions in areas like Rochestown, Oldcourt Wood, and Garryduff. The fighting is brutal, with estimates of up to 20 fatalities and many wounded. The conflict also produces poignant moments, such as the death of Free State soldier Flood, shot by a former Irish War of Independence comrade, Frank O’Donoghue.

The August 8 landings are the decisive military stroke of the Irish Civil War. They re-take Cork for the Irish Free State, dismantle the Munster Republic, and end the conventional phase of the conflict, paving the way for a prolonged guerrilla war until the anti-Treaty side’s defeat. The event remains a key moment in Irish revolutionary history, remembered for its scale, the use of armoured units, and the deep divisions it exposes in Cork.


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Death of IRA Volunteer Joe Hudson

On August 7, 1922, Joe Hudson (also known as “Sonny” Hudson), an anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteer from Glasthule, Dún Laoghaire, is shot dead in his garden at 3 Carrolls Cottages by an Irish Free State Army (National Army) officer. He is in command of a small anti‑Treaty IRA group active in the area, operating from Glasthule down to Bray and across to Deansgrange.

Free State Army officers, acting on intelligence that a meeting is in progress at Hudson’s home, leave Portobello Barracks (now Cathal Brugha Barracks) in two cars. As they approach, a Fianna Éireann member on sentry duty blows his whistle, alerting the occupants. The group scatters through the back garden, and Hudson is injured, dropping his weapon. A Free State Army officer approaches him at point‑blank range and shoots him.

At the time of his death, Hudson reportedly has his hands up, and he makes a deathbed declaration to that effect. An automatic pistol is found with him, but it is loaded with the wrong calibre ammunition, suggesting he could not have fired it.

Hudson’s killing occurs during a period of intense guerrilla warfare in south County Dublin. The area had seen earlier clashes between pro‑ and anti‑Treaty forces, and by August 1922, anti‑Treaty IRA columns are active in Dún Laoghaire and surrounding towns. His death is part of a broader campaign by Irish Free State forces to suppress anti‑Treaty resistance in the region.

Hudson’s case is remembered as one of the more controversial incidents of the Irish Civil War, reflecting the brutality and political divisions of the conflict. His father, Joseph Hudson Snr, was also an IRA volunteer.


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Anti-Treaty IRA Attempts to Isolate Dublin

In the early morning of August 5, 1922, during the Irish Civil War, around 200 anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteers are mobilised around Dublin. Their mission is to isolate the city by destroying all bridges and road crossings leading into it, cutting off Free State forces and supplies.

The anti-Treaty IRA, opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the newly established Irish Free State, aim to dismantle the stone bridges over Dublin’s rivers and canal, lay explosives on road and railway bridges, dig trenches in roads to block movement and scout the surrounding countryside for Free State troops.

They are organised in groups of 5–40, some armed with handguns and grenades, others with explosives and tools like spades and picks. Parties are sighted in the hills south of the city (from Kilakee to Roundwood) and across villages north of Dublin (from Raheny to Blanchardstown).

The Free State’s intelligence service intercepts the plan when Liam Clarke, a captured anti-Treaty officer, reveals the details to Free State Intelligence officers. This intelligence allows the Free State to anticipate and counter the operation.

On August 6, Free State forces move quickly to intercept the IRA. They capture 31 anti-Treaty irregulars at Glencullen Bridge (pictured) and later take 104 fighters in County Dublin, including officer Pat Sweeney. These actions cripple the remnants of the anti-Treaty IRA in Dublin and prevent the city from being isolated.

The “Bridges Job” is a major anti-Treaty attempt to cut off Dublin during the Irish Civil War. Its failure marks a turning point, as Free State forces can now move freely into the city, accelerating the end of the conventional phase of the conflict.


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The Body of Harry McEntee of the IRA Dublin Brigade is Found

On August 3, 1923, the body of Captain Henry Hugh “Harry” McEntee is found at Dubber Cross near Jamestown Road, Finglas, County Dublin. McEntee, 26, is a carpenter and a member of the Irish Republican Army’s Dublin Brigade, serving on the active service unit (ASU) during the Irish Civil War.

McEntee is abducted by members of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), based at Oriel House, Westland Row, who are linked to National Army Intelligence and the Protective Corps. He is reportedly threatened by CID officers before his death. The abduction occurs on July 31, 1923, near his home on Gloucester Street (now Seán McDermott Street).

On the morning of August 3, his body is discovered in a field at Maher’s farm, close to Jamestown Road in Finglas. He had been shot dead. The exact details of his capture and killing are later ordered to be destroyed in 1932 by the Pro-Treaty government.

McEntee is buried in the Republican Plot at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin. A National Graves Association memorial plaque is placed there around 1932 and is maintained by the Fianna Sluagh in Finglas during the 1950s–60s. In 2023, his family and community commemorate the centenary of his death, remembering him as a skilled carpenter, devoted father, and soldier of the Irish Citizen Army.

In summary, Henry McEntee’s abduction and murder in August 1923 are part of the violent post-war repression of anti-Treaty IRA members, and his case remains a poignant example of the personal toll of Ireland’s Civil War.


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Irish Free State Army’s Seaborne Landing at Fenit, County Kerry

On Wednesday, August 2, 1922, the Irish Free State’s National Army launches a seaborne landing at Fenit pier, County Kerry, marking the first of a series of amphibious assaults in the Cork and Kerry campaign. The operation is conceived by Major General Emmet Dalton as a way to strike at the anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) “Munster Republic” from the rear, exploiting the element of surprise to shorten the war.

By mid-July 1922, the Free State has re-taken counties Limerick and Waterford, but the IRA still controls counties Cork and Kerry, as well as much of the west under Liam Lynch’s command. A purely land-based advance into these areas risks long, attritional battles. Dalton’s plan is to create a second front by landing troops along the County Kerry and County Cork coasts, isolating republican strongholds like Tralee.

The SS Lady Wicklow carries 450 soldiers of the Dublin Guard brigade under Paddy Daly, along with a field gun and an armoured car nicknamed the Ex-Mutineer. The Dublin Guards are considered the most disciplined and politically reliable unit in the Army, and Daly is one of Michael Collins’ trusted lieutenants. The landing is intended to secure Fenit as a base for an amphibious assault on Tralee, a key republican stronghold.

The surprise attack catches the IRA forces off guard, taking their left flank in the rear. The Free State quickly advances, and by the following days, much of County Kerry is freed from republican control. The operation is part of a broader offensive that culminates in the capture of Tralee on August 2, one of the bloodiest single days of combat for the National Army.

While the initial landings are successful, the IRA mounts counterattacks over August and September, regaining some ground. However, the Free State’s superior resources, better equipment, and lack of popular support for the republicans allows them to consolidate control in County Kerry over time. The Fenit landing is a turning point, shifting the momentum in favour of the Free State and contributing to the eventual republican defeat in the Irish Civil War.

In summary, the August 2, 1922, naval landing at Fenit is a bold, surprise amphibious operation that disrupts republican defenses, opens County Kerry to Free State advance, and alters the course of the Irish Civil War.

(Pictured: Free State troops landing at Fenit, County Kerry, on August 2, 1922)