seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Category Archives: Home Rule, Easter Rising & War of Independence (1912-1922)


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Lloyd George Proposes a Boundary Commission During Anglo-Irish Treaty Negotiations

On November 8, 1920, during the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations of late 1920 and early 1921, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George proposes the creation of a Boundary Commission to determine the precise border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State. This idea is part of a broader set of compromises aimed at resolving the “Irish Question” after the Irish War of Independence.

The Government of Ireland Act 1920 has partitioned Ireland into Northern Ireland (a United Kingdom home rule territory) and Southern Ireland (a separate home rule entity). The 1921 Treaty, signed on December 6, 1921, allows Northern Ireland to opt out of the Irish Free State after a one-month period. On December 6, 1922, the unionist-dominated Parliament of Northern Ireland exercises that right, triggering the formation of the Boundary Commission.

The Treaty’s Article 12 provides for the commission if Northern Ireland chooses to secede. Its role is to review the provisional border set by the 1920 Act, recommend adjustments based on political majorities in border areas and produce a final, legally binding boundary between the Free State and Northern Ireland.

The commission is to be jointly nominated by the United Kingdom, the Irish Free State, and Northern Ireland governments. When Northern Ireland refuses to cooperate, the British government appoints a Belfast Unionist newspaper editor, Joseph R. Fisher, to represent Northern interests.

The commission’s 1924–25 report recommends relatively small territorial transfers in both directions, contrary to nationalist expectations. The findings are leaked in 1925, causing protests from both unionists and nationalists. To avoid further disputes, the three governments agree to suppress the report and instead confirm the existing 1920 border on December 3, 1925, with the border fixed in law.

Lloyd George’s proposal reflects a pragmatic British approach: using a neutral commission to manage the sensitive issue of partition and prevent further conflict. While the commission’s recommendations are not implemented, the process helps formalize the border that remains in place until the 1960s, shaping the political and sectarian divide in Ireland for decades.


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British Double Agent John Henry Gooding Offers to Betray His Superior to the IRA

On September 16, 1920, the British double agent John Henry Gooding, operating under the alias F. Digby Hardy, makes a dramatic overture to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Hardy, a habitual criminal with a long record of forgery, fraud, and petty crime, has been recruited by British intelligence to infiltrate the IRA’s intelligence network and capture Michael Collins.

Born in 1868 in Devonport, Plymouth, England, Hardy has a troubled life marked by multiple imprisonments, bigamy, and a career in petty crime. After deserting the Royal Navy in 1888, he adopts the alias “Frank Hall” and lives in Surrey before moving to London. By 1920, he is a known criminal with a five-year fraud sentence in 1918, partially served until his release in 1919.

Hardy approaches IRA intelligence, offering to betray his British superior, Basil Thomson, to the IRA. The plan is for him to infiltrate the IRA’s network and hand over information on Collins. However, the operation is foiled when Arthur Griffith, a leading Irish republican, intercepts Hardy’s mission.

Griffith arranges a staged meeting in Dublin attended by international journalists. Hardy is confronted and, upon presentation of evidence, confesses his mission and criminal background. The exposure embarrasses British intelligence and draws international attention.

Rather than being executed, Hardy is given until the next morning to leave Ireland. He flees, resuming petty crimes until his death in 1930. The September 16, 1920 incident becomes a notable example of how British intelligence’s reliance on unreliable agents could backfire during the Irish War of Independence.

In summary, on September 16, 1920, F. Digby Hardy (John Henry Gooding) attempts to betray his British handler to the IRA, but is exposed and forced to flee Dublin after being misled by Arthur Griffith into revealing his mission to reporters.


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Roger Casement Meets With Franz von Papen in Washington, D.C.

On September 13, 1914, Irish nationalist Sir Roger Casement meets with Franz von Papen, a German diplomat and future Chancellor of Germany, in Washington, D.C., as part of his efforts to secure foreign support for Ireland’s independence from Britain.

Casement, a founder of the Irish National Volunteers and a former British diplomat, has traveled to the United States to seek American backing for his republican cause. When that proves unsuccessful, he turns to Germany, hoping to enlist Irish soldiers in the British Army to fight alongside the Germans in World War I. His plan is to raise an “Irish Brigade” composed of Irish prisoners of war captured in Belgium and France, who are estimated to number 35,000–40,000.

The September 13 meeting in Washington is one of several contacts Casement makes with German officials, including Papen, to present his proposal. He argues that an Irish Brigade could bolster the German war effort while advancing Ireland’s independence goals. However, Papen rejects the idea, and the alliance does not materialize.

Without German support, Casement’s efforts to secure Irish military aid for the 1916 Easter Rising fails. The Rising proceeds without foreign assistance, and Casement himself is arrested by British authorities in 1916, tried for treason, and executed on August 3, 1916. Despite his execution, he remains remembered as a key figure in Irish nationalism and a symbol of resistance to British rule.

In summary, the September 13, 1914, meeting in Washington, D.C., marks a high point in Casement’s diplomatic campaign for Irish independence, but it ends in rejection, setting the stage for his later role in the Easter Rising and his martyrdom.

(Pictured: Sir Roger Casement (left) and Franz von Papen)


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Dáil Éireann Declared Illegal by the British

On September 12, 1919, the British government, acting through the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Sir John French, declares Dáil Éireann — the revolutionary parliament of the Irish Republic — illegal. The proclamation categorises the Dáil as a “dangerous organisation” and adds it to a list of banned groups, which also includes Sinn Féin, the Irish Volunteers, Cumann na mBan, and the Gaelic League.

The ban comes after just eight months of Dáil Éireann’s existence, which begins on January 21, 1919, when Sinn Féin MPs refuse to take their seats in Westminster and instead convene a separate parliament in Dublin. The British initially underestimate its significance, but events change rapidly.

Sinn Féin’s attempt to raise funds (the Dáil Loan) in August 1919 for the republican cause is seen as a move to legitimise an independent administration, undermining British control. Also, some Irish Volunteers members swear allegiance to Dáil Éireann, which is seen as a political act with potential to inspire wider resistance. The summer of 1919 also sees a surge in attacks, prompting Dublin Castle to respond with suppression measures.

The proclamation takes effect nationwide, including all counties and major boroughs such as Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, Derry, and Waterford. Within days, police raids and searches target Sinn Féin headquarters and members’ homes. The Harcourt Street headquarters in Dublin is raided, leading to arrests of figures like Patrick O’Keefe and Ernest Blythe. Similar searches occur in Belfast, Derry, Omagh, and Ballycastle, uncovering literature, weapons, and ammunition in some cases.

The ban is a major blow to Sinn Féin’s political prestige, but it also hardens the resolve of many republicans. Historians note that the suppression turned some moderate politicians into “extremists” and increased the likelihood of militarisation. Despite the crackdown, the Dáil continues to operate in secret, meeting in multiple Dublin locations to maintain the Irish Republic’s political legitimacy.

In short, the September 12, 1919 declaration marks a turning point in the Irish War of Independence, shifting the conflict from political negotiation to open confrontation.

(Pictured: Members of the First Dáil Éireann seated and standing outside the Mansion House in Dublin on January 21, 1919)


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Éamon de Valera Sends A Stinging Rebuke to Lloyd George

On August 30, 1921, Éamon de Valera sends a sharp reply to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George as the two sides move closer to formal peace negotiations. The letter comes during a tense period when the British have presented their “Proposals of the British Government for the Irish Settlement” — offering Ireland “within the Empire…in allegiance to His Majesty’s throne” with Northern Ireland’s Unionist government remaining in place, full British naval access, and other imperial arrangements.

De Valera’s response is a stinging rebuke to Lloyd George’s approach. He reiterates Ireland’s determination to be “free from Imperialistic entanglements,” while still offering “reasonable guarantees not inconsistent with Irish sovereignty.” He makes clear that Ireland could enter a treaty of free association with the British Commonwealth but could not accept the British government’s right to “mutilate our country.” This is a direct challenge to the British insistence on loyalty to the Crown and continued imperial ties.

The exchange reflects the core conflict in the talks. The British position requires that Ireland must remain part of the Empire, with some form of association and recognition of the King’s sovereignty. The Irish position maintains that Ireland must be fully independent, with no coercion of Northern Ireland, and with sovereignty intact.

By August 30, both sides have softened their initial positions enough for Lloyd George to send a revised invitation to negotiate in person. De Valera’s letter is part of the diplomatic back-and-forth that culminates in his acceptance of the conference on September 30, 1921, marking the start of the most consequential peace talks in Irish history.

In essence, the August 30 letter is both a political statement and a diplomatic signal — asserting Irish sovereignty while leaving room for a negotiated settlement, and setting the tone for the negotiations that would soon begin.


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The Howth Gun-Running

On July 26, 1914, Erskine Childers sails his yacht Asgard into the port of Howth, Dublin, carrying 900 Mauser Model 1871 rifles and 29,000 rounds of black powder ammunition. This daring operation, known as the Howth gun-running, is a pivotal moment in Ireland’s struggle for Home Rule and independence.

By 1914, Ireland is politically tense. The Larne gun-running in April had seen Ulster Volunteers smuggle 25,000 rifles into Ireland, while the Curragh mutiny in March had shown the British Army’s reluctance to enforce Home Rule. The Irish Volunteers, though committed to defending Home Rule, are poorly funded and lack arms. A group of wealthy Anglo-Irish supporters — including Sir Roger Casement, Erskine Childers, Mary Spring Rice, Darrell Figgis, Molly Childers, and Alice Stopford Green — form a committee to arm them.

On May 28, 1914, Childers and Figgis travel to Hamburg, Germany, to buy 1,500 Mauser rifles and 49,000 rounds from arms dealer Moritz Magnus, Jr. The rifles, though obsolete, are still serviceable and fire a high-caliber round. To transport them, Childers offers his yacht Asgard to carry 900 rifles, while Conor O’Brien takes the rest on the Kelpie.

The Asgard, a 50-foot gaff ketch built by Colin Archer, leaves Conwy, North Wales, on July 3. The outward journey is uneventful, but the return is stormy, with the rifles filling the cabin and crew sleeping on them. On July 12, the yacht meets the German tug Gladiator at the mouth of the Scheldt, loading the arms.

On July 26, the Asgard reaches Howth. The unloading in daylight draws a crowd, prompting police and military intervention. A riot erupts, and the King’s Own Scottish Borderers are ambushed at Bachelor’s Walk, resulting in the Bachelor’s Walk massacre — four civilians killed and at least 38 wounded. Despite the violence, the guns are secured.

The Howth gun-running is the first major military operation in Ireland’s 20th-century independence movement. The rifles are later used in the Easter Rising of 1916, including at the General Post Office. The event underscores the role of Anglo-Irish republicans in arming the Volunteers and foreshadows the armed struggle that follows.

In short, July 26, 1914, marks the arrival of a critical arms shipment in Howth, a bold act of defiance against British control and a direct response to Ulster’s gun-running, with lasting consequences for Irish history.

(Pictured: Erskine Childers at Asgard’s wheel on her 1914 gun-running voyage)


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Coalition Government’s Cabinet Meets in London

On July 23, 1920, the Lloyd George Coalition Government holds a Cabinet meeting in London, part of the post-war peacetime governance under a coalition mainly of Liberals and Conservatives, addressing issues of reconstruction, Ireland, and war reparations.

The Coalition Government, led by Prime Minister David Lloyd George, is in power from 1918 to 1922 following the end of World War I, continuing the wartime alliance that has included Liberals and Conservatives. By 1920, the Cabinet is navigating Spain’s post-war reconstruction, the political unrest in Ireland, social welfare issues, and economic stabilization following wartime disruption. This period also sees preparation for negotiations over Germany’s reparations and engagement with international diplomacy after the Treaty of Versailles.

During this period, in addition to Lloyd George, the peacetime Cabinet includes key ministers including Bonar Law (Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons), Austen Chamberlain (Chancellor of the Exchequer until January 1920; replaced by Sir Robert Horne on trade matters), Arthur Balfour (Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs), Winston Churchill (Secretary for War and Air) and George Curzon (Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Lords).

The Coalition Cabinet keeps detailed minutes and memoranda, which are recorded in the CAB 23 series as “Cabinet Conclusions,” starting from November 1919 into the interwar years. These records summarize discussions and decisions but are not verbatim transcriptions.

While the specific agenda for July 23 is not directly cited in the sources, relevant Cabinet business during July 1920 includes:

  1. Reconstruction and Post-War Economy: Addressing unemployment, social welfare of returning servicemen, and government budgetary priorities.
  2. Ireland and Home Rule Legislation: Oversight of the Government of Ireland Act 1920, which has received royal assent earlier in the year, establishing separate parliaments for Northern and Southern Ireland.
  3. International Diplomacy and Reparations: Review of ongoing negotiations concerning German reparations after World War I, potentially preparing for discussions later in London and Paris.

Regarding Ireland, the Cabinet is divided on how to proceed. Some Liberal ministers and Dublin Castle officials are in favour of offering dominion status to Ireland. Conservative ministers argue that the Government must crush the insurgency and proceed with the Government of Ireland Bill. Debate continues after the meeting, with Walter Long warning of “the gravest consequences in Ulster” if the Government changes course.

In summary, the Coalition Cabinet convenes on July 23, 1920, in the context of post-war governance, with ministers like Lloyd George, Bonar Law, Curzon, Balfour, and Churchill participating. While exact meeting details require consulting official CAB series records, the issues at hand involve post-World War I economic recovery, Irish affairs, and international obligations stemming from the Treaty of Versailles.

(Pictured: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom David Lloyd George)


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The Belfast Shipyard Expulsions

On July 21, 1920, the Belfast Shipyard Expulsions take place as thousands of Catholic workers and socialists in Belfast’s shipyards are attacked and driven from their jobs following Edward Carson’s speech on the Twelfth at Finaghy during the annual industrial holiday. This day marks the first day back at work after the holiday, and the violence erupts in the shipyards, particularly in the Harland & Wolff yards.

The disturbances are part of a wider Belfast pogrom in 1920, rooted in sectarian tensions between unionist and nationalist communities. The Twelfth of July celebrations in Finaghy have been a focal point for nationalist and socialist mobilisation, and Carson’s speech is seen by many Catholic workers as inflammatory, stoking fears of reprisals.

The targeted groups of the expulsions include Catholic workers, trade unionists, and socialist activists, many of whom are from the working class “plebeian” strata. Reports describe beatings, assaults, and intimidation in the shipyards, with workers being pushed out of their posts or forced to leave premises. The expulsions disrupt shipbuilding operations, as skilled labour is removed from the workforce overnight. The events reinforce sectarian divisions, with unionist groups and some employers using the violence to assert control over the workforce.

By July 1920, newspapers are the main source of news, with current affairs often appearing on later pages. Coverage in papers such as the Belfast News Letter, Belfast Telegraph, The Irish Times, and Freeman’s Journal describe the expulsions as part of a broader outbreak of violence, but without the front-page headlines typical of later conflicts. The absence of radio broadcasts means that news is spread through print, handbills, and word of mouth.

The July 21, 1920, expulsions are a turning point in the sectarian conflict in Belfast, marking a shift from political mobilisation to direct, violent confrontation in the industrial heart of the city. They reflect the deep entrenchment of sectarianism in the shipbuilding industry and foreshadow further violence in the years leading up to the Irish Civil War.


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Free State Troops Arrive in Waterford to Retake the City

On July 18, 1922, Free State commander General John T. Prout leads a pro‑Treaty force of about 700 troops, one 18‑pounder field gun, and four armoured cars from Kilkenny, County Kilkenny, toward Waterford, County Waterford. This is part of the Irish Free State offensive (June 28 – late August 1922), which aims to retake major towns held by anti‑Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) forces in the south and southwest of Ireland.

At the start of the Irish Civil War in June 1922, the Free State controls only Dublin. Anti‑Treaty forces, forming the so‑called Munster Republic, hold Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, along with much of the west. Waterford’s republican garrison has fortified the city, dismantled the drawbridge’s control equipment, and isolated the port by removing wireless and other communications.

On July 16, republican forces learn that Free State troops ae moving toward Waterford. They raise the drawbridge early and move vessels from the Kilkenny side to the Waterford side. On July 18, Prout’s column is spotted from Sallypark Hill, prompting republican machine gun and rifle fire. A Free State volunteer, Costeloe, is wounded and later dies.

From July 19, sniping continues across the River Suir. On July 19, the Free State brings the 18‑pounder artillery into position overlooking the city, bombarding republican positions. The republicans hold key buildings such as the Adelphia Hotel, Country Club, and Reginald’s Tower.

By July 21, Free State forces cross the River Suir downstream at Gyles Quay, enter the city, and drive out republican troops from their positions. The drawbridge on Redmond Bridge is lowered by hand, and republican reinforcements from Cork and Tipperary either withdraw or do not engage. The Free State takes Waterford on July 21, 1922, ending the republican hold on the city.

Two anti‑Treaty volunteers, Maurice McGrath and John “Bonny” Boyle, are killed. Two Free State soldiers, Sergeant James Howlett and Michael Costelloe, are killed. At least six civilians are killed, including Joseph Dwan, William Long, and a 10‑year‑old girl. Many civilians are wounded.

The fall of Waterford marks a key Free State victory in the conventional phase of the Irish Civil War, contributing to the re‑capture of major southern cities and paving the way for the later guerrilla phase.

(Pictured: John T. Prout at his wedding to Limerick native Mary Conba at St. John the Evangelist Church (O’Loughlin Memorial Church), Kilkenny, July 12, 1922)


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Death of Alexander Will, First Black & Tan to Die in the Irish War of Independence

Alexander Will, a Constable in the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) from Forfar, Scotland, is killed on July 11, 1920, during a sustained Irish Republican Army (IRA) night attack on Rathmore Barracks in Rathmore, County Kerry. He is 24 years old at the time of his death and is the first Temporary Constable (Black and Tan) to die in the Irish War of Independence.

Will is on duty when he is killed by a bomb during the attack. The IRA’s assault is unsuccessful, but it results in Will’s death and the serious injuries of two other RIC officers. His service number is 70974.

Posthumously, Will is awarded the Constabulary Medal for Gallantry for his bravery under fire. According to RIC forum records, the medal is presented on December 22, 1920.

Will serves in the Scottish Horse Regiment during World War I, where he is wounded just a week before the Armistice. After his death, his body is brought back to Scotland by steamer, and his funeral is attended by RIC officers. His family has roots in Kincardineshire, Scotland, with his father, William Will, and grandfather also named Alexander Will.

Will is remembered as one of the early RIC officers to die in the Irish War of Independence, and his death marked a significant moment in the conflict’s early years. His story is commemorated in police remembrance records and in centenary tributes.