seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Category Archives: Union with Great Britain (1801-1912)


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Founding of the Irish Reform Association

Windham Thomas Wyndham-Quin, 4th Earl of Dunraven and Mount-Earl, an Anglo-Irish Conservative politician, journalist, and landowner, founds the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904. This initiative is part of his broader political engagement in Ireland during a period of significant constitutional and social change.

The Irish Reform Association is established in the early 20th century, a time when Ireland is under British rule and political reform movements are gaining momentum. Lord Dunraven, known for his role in the 1902 Land Conference and his advocacy for Irish interests, seeks to promote reformist policies that will address land tenure, political representation, and constitutional rights for Ireland.

The association aims to support legislative reforms benefiting Irish tenants and landowners, encourage greater political participation and representation for Irish voices in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and counterbalance more radical nationalist or unionist positions with a moderate, reformist platform.

Lord Dunraven has a long career in British politics, serving as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies under Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, in the 1880s and later as a Senator of the Irish Free State from 1922 to 1926. His background as a journalist, soldier, and sportsman give him a broad public profile, and his formation of the Irish Reform Association reflects his interest in bridging political divides and advancing pragmatic reform.

While the Irish Reform Association does not achieve the same long-term prominence as other reform movements, its creation marks Lord Dunraven’s active role in shaping Irish political discourse at a critical juncture. It aligns with his broader efforts to influence Irish policy through both legislative engagement and public advocacy.

In summary, the founding of the Irish Reform Association on August 26, 1904, is a deliberate political move by Lord Dunraven to advance reformist causes in Ireland, reflecting his commitment to balanced, constructive change within the constitutional framework of the time.


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Death of John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel

John Foster, 1st Baron Oriel, an Anglo-Irish politician and peer, dies on August 23, 1828.

Foster is born in 1740, the son of Anthony Foster, of Dunleer, County Louth, Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer, and Elizabeth Burgh, and inherits Collon House in County Louth, which he greatly improves.

Foster serves as Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland three times — in 1784–1785, 1804–1806, and 1807–1811 — and is the last Speaker of the Irish House of Commons from 1785 until the Acts of Union 1800. He is a prominent figure in Irish politics, representing County Louth for most of his career, and is known for his opposition to the Union, which he sees as politically and personally damaging.

After the Union, in 1801 Foster is returned to the new United Kingdom parliament as a member for County Louth and serves until 1821, when he is created 1st Baron Oriel of Ferrard, County Louth, in the peerage of the United Kingdom. He also holds the title of Privy Councillor (Ireland) in 1799 and later Privy Councillor (UK) in 1786.

Foster marries Margaretta Amelia Burgh in 1764. They have several children, including Thomas Henry Skeffington, 2nd Viscount Ferrard, and Anne Dorothea Foster.

Foster’s tenure as Chancellor of the Exchequer and Speaker is marked by significant financial legislation, including measures that transform Ireland’s agricultural economy by promoting arable farming over pasture. His refusal to surrender the Speaker’s mace after the Union becomes a symbolic act of resistance.

Foster dies on August 23, 1828, leaving behind a legacy as one of the most influential Anglo-Irish statesmen of his era.

(Pictured: The Right Honorable John Foster by Gilbert Stuart, c. 1790-1791 – Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art)


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Birth of Kathleen Goodfellow, Writer, Poet & Translator

Kathleen Goodfellow, Irish writer, poet, and translator known for her literary works, nationalist sympathies, and patronage of the arts, is born in Dublin on August 20, 1891.

Born to George and Susan Goodfellow (née Nicholson), Goodfellow is raised in a Quaker family. Her father and uncle are builders who construct a row of houses on Morehampton Road, Donnybrook, where she lives for the rest of her life. She is educated at Alexandra College and graduates with an Arts degree from Trinity College Dublin (TCD).

Goodfellow joins the Rathmines branch of Cumann na mBan, a women’s republican organization, where she learns first aid, drilling, and signaling. There, she meets artist Estella Solomons, with whom she forms a lifelong friendship. Solomons’ studio later becomes a safe house for republicans during the Irish War of Independence.

Under the pseudonym Michael Scot, Goodfellow publishes Three Tales of the Times in 1921, a work about life in Ireland under the Black and Tans. She also writes poetry and translates French poetry, notably the works of 15th-century poet François Villon, publishing these translations in The Dublin Magazine between 1924 and 1928.

Goodfellow is independently wealthy, inheriting property in Ireland and England after her mother’s death in 1932. She is a generous patron of the arts, supporting The Dublin Magazine, a literary journal owned by her friend Seumas O’Sullivan, to which she contributes articles, poems, and reviews. She also supports children’s charities and serves on the Board of Governors of the Royal Hospital in Donnybrook.

Her philanthropy extends to securing funding for The Dublin Magazine (1926–1958) and gifting a bird sanctuary, The Grove, in Donnybrook to An Taisce. Despite her influence, she remains modest and private about her contributions, and her own photographic collection is destroyed after her death.

In 1939, Goodfellow falls while getting off a tram and breaks her leg badly, which leaves her with a limp. She dies at the aged of 89 on May 20, 1980, and is buried with her parents in Mount Jerome Cemetery in Dublin.

A plaque is erected in memory of Goodfellow’s donation at The Grove, a woodland area at the corner of Morehampton Road and Wellington Place, on October 19, 2022. A plaque commemorating Estella Solomons is placed on the opposite gatepost. Goodfellow’s diaries, poems and literary manuscripts are held in the Trinity College Dublin archives.

Goodfellow’s work and life reflect the intersection of Irish literary culture, nationalist history, and cultural patronage in early-to-mid 20th-century Ireland.


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Whigs Adopt Non-Interference Policy with Food Markets During Famine

On August 17, 1846, Lord John Russell’s Whig administration formally adopts a policy of non-interference with internal and export markets for food in Ireland during the Great Famine. This decision reflects the prevailing laissez-faire economic philosophy of the time, which holds that markets should operate freely without government intervention.

The Great Famine devastates the 1845 potato harvest, and by 1846 the blight returns with greater severity, destroying the autumn crop. Many Irish peasants have no money to buy imported grain, meat, or dairy, which are being exported to Britain under the Corn Laws. While the repeal of these laws in 1846 lowers grain prices, it does little to help Ireland because of the lack of purchasing power.

Russell’s government, influenced by figures like Charles Trevelyan, believes that internal markets (local food supply) should be left to private merchants, who are often reluctant to import food for Ireland; export markets for Irish grain should not be restricted, as the Whigs see no need to interfere with trade; government relief should focus on employment schemes (e.g., road and canal building) to give people income to buy food, rather than direct food distribution.

Relief depots are opened only in areas of greatest need, such as West Cork, Kerry, and Donegal, where local merchants are few. Imported maize is distributed in these limited areas, but most of Ireland remains without direct food aid. Work schemes are introduced, but wages are low (8–10 pence per day) and often delayed, making them insufficient for survival.

This policy means that Ireland’s food crisis worsens as exports continue and local shortages deepen, causing many people to starve despite the availability of food in Ireland. The government’s role is minimal, focusing on indirect measures rather than direct relief.

In short, the August 17, 1846 decision marks a shift from Robert Peel’s limited relief efforts to a hands-off approach, prioritizing free markets over direct intervention, which critics argue prolonged the famine’s suffering.

(Pictured: Photograph of John Russell, by Edwin Mayal, 1861. Source: The National Portrait Gallery)


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The Ursuline Convent Riots in Massachusetts

Shortly after midnight on August 12, 1834, a Protestant mob attacks and burns the Ursuline Convent School in Charlestown, Massachusetts (now part of Somerville), an act that becomes a flashpoint in the region’s anti-Catholic tensions.

The Ursuline Convent, founded in 1820 by Bishop Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus, is a Catholic school for girls established to educate the poor. It is built on a 24-acre estate with brick structures, gardens, and a chapel, attracting both Catholic and Protestant students. By the early 1830s, about 50–60 Protestant girls from wealthy families attend, alongside Catholic students.

Rev. Lyman Beecher helps to incite the mob hours earlier, giving three anti-Catholic diatribes at three different churches in Boston. Beecher, whose children include educator Catharine and abolitionist and author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Harriet Beecher Stowe, later expresses regret over the arson but, as is often the case, violent speech leads to violent action.

The riots are sparked by rumors and gossip about a nun, Elizabeth Harrison (Sister Mary St. John), who had left the convent for 24 hours on July 28 to visit a student’s family and then returned. Her decision to leave and return is framed by anti-Catholic sympathizers as evidence of instability or even “insanity,” feeding existing prejudices. These rumors are amplified by the “Know Nothing” nativist movement, which is gaining traction in Massachusetts.

In the early morning hours of August 12, 1834, a Protestant mob—largely poor Yankee laborers hostile to Irish Catholic immigrants—sack the convent. The nuns and their students flee for their lives, and the convent is set ablaze. The destruction is swift and complete, leaving only the ruins.

The burning reflects deep-seated anti-Catholic sentiment in New England, rooted in colonial-era restrictions on Catholic worship and reinforced by Irish immigration and Protestant revivalism. It foreshadows the more violent nativist uprisings of the 1850s, such as the Know Nothing Party’s later attacks on Catholic institutions.

Those arrested for the outrage are quickly found not guilty and become heroes in Boston. After failed attempts to get the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to pay for the damages, and amid threats of further violence, the nuns eventually move to Canada, driven from the country by bigotry and hate.

The convent is never rebuilt, and the event becomes a symbol of sectarian violence. Survivors and the community face legal and social challenges, and the incident is widely reported in newspapers, fueling further anti-Catholic rhetoric.

In short, the 1834 Charlestown convent burning is both a localized mob attack and a harbinger of the intense anti-Catholic nativism that defines much of antebellum America.


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Daniel O’Connell Returned as MP in Clare By-election

On July 30, 1829, Daniel O’Connell is returned as Member of Parliament (MP) for Clare in a by‑election that is unopposed. This is a landmark moment in Irish political history, as it is the first time after the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829 that a Roman Catholic MP is elected.

O’Connell, leader of the Catholic Association and a radical reformer, is elected in the 1828 Clare by‑election. However, as a Catholic, he refuses to take the Oath of Supremacy, which bars Catholics from sitting in Parliament. This causes his seat to be vacated.

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Arthur Wellesley and Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel, who had previously opposed Catholic participation in Parliament, fear that denying O’Connell his seat will provoke outrage and potentially another rebellion in Ireland — a country then about 85% Catholic. This political pressure directly leads to the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, which allows Catholics to become MPs, and the Parliamentary Elections (Ireland) Act 1829, which raises the property qualification for voting from £2 to £10.

With the new law in place, O’Connell stands again. The by‑election is unopposed, meaning he is returned without contest. This is significant because the higher property qualification could have disenfranchised many tenant farmers, but in Clare, O’Connell is the only candidate.

O’Connell does not stand again in Clare at the 1830 United Kingdom general election, but he remains a major political figure, later becoming MP for Dublin City and leading the campaign for the repeal of the Acts of Union 1800.

In summary, the July 30, 1829, Clare by‑election is a symbolic victory for Catholic emancipation, marking the first time a Catholic MP is elected under the new laws, and cementing O’Connell’s role as “The Liberator” of Irish political rights.


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Birth of Thomas Brennan, Co-founder of the Irish National Land League

Thomas Brennan, an Irish republican, agrarian radical, and co-founder and joint secretary of the Irish National Land League, is born on July 28, 1853, at Yellow Furze, County Meath. He plays a key role in Irish land reform and nationalist activism.

Brennan is the second of two children to Patrick Brennan of the Catholic parish of Beauparc and Catherine Brennan (née Rourke). Little is recorded of his early education, but he develops a reputation as an intelligent and articulate public speaker. At age 18, he begins working as a clerk at Murtagh Bros., a Dublin-based bakery, alongside his uncle James Rourke. Through his connections with Patrick Egan, he and his uncle join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and become active in election campaigns and nationalist organizing.

By 1877–1878, Brennan has become the civil secretary of the Leinster IRB and honorary secretary of the Dublin Mechanics Institute. In 1879, he plays an instrumental role in establishing the Land League of Mayo, acting alongside Michael Davitt and Patrick Egan. When the Irish National Land League is formally founded in October 1879, Brennan is appointed assistant secretary, effectively helping manage the League’s operations and campaigns for tenant farmers.

Brennan is known for his eloquence at public rallies, often linking land agitation to Irish nationalist objectives and espousing radical, egalitarian ideas. During the Land League’s activities, he faces trial for encouraging non-payment of rent but is not convicted. He later takes on the duties of national secretary after Davitt’s arrest and authorizes the issuance of the “No Rent Manifesto” from Kilmainham Gaol in 1881, a pivotal document in Ireland’s land struggle.

Following internal shifts in Irish nationalist politics and limitations placed on his influence by Charles Stewart Parnell, Brennan emigrates to the United States. He works for Patrick Ford’s Irish World newspaper in New York City, critiquing aspects of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and emphasizing non-violent republican principles. By 1883, he settles in Omaha, Nebraska, partnering with Patrick Egan in the Omaha Mortgage Company, specializing in real estate, investment, and insurance. He becomes a respected businessman and seeks to maintain connections with the Irish American nationalist community.

Brennan never marries and eventually dedicates himself to business in Omaha. He passes away on December 19, 1912, in Omaha, Nebraska, having left a lasting impact on Irish land reform efforts and the nationalist movement. He is buried in Holy Sepulchre Cemetery in Omaha.

Brennan is remembered as a founder and key administrator of the Irish National Land League, a signatory of the “No Rent Manifesto,” and a prominent voice in the Irish republican movement. His advocacy helps shape the course of land reform in Ireland and fosters Irish nationalist sentiment both domestically and among the diaspora.

Sources confirm that his activism, speeches, and organizational skill were central to the Land League’s influence, and he remains a notable figure in 19th-century Irish political history.


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John Mitchel Returns to Ireland from the United States

The Irish nationalist and republican John Mitchel returns to Ireland on July 25, 1872, after a long absence in the United States.

Mitchel, a writer for The Nation and founder of his own journal, United Irishman, openly preaches rebellion against England. Convicted of treason in 1848, he is sentenced to fourteen years transportation in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). In 1853, he escapes to the United States, where he publishes his Jail Journal. While in the United States, he is editor of the Richmond Examiner and a strong advocate of Confederate rights and champions slavery. He is imprisoned for several months following the end of the American Civil War.

Mitchel’s return visit to Ireland is prompted by political developments in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which has nominated him for seats in Cork City and Tipperary without informing him. His well-known skepticism toward constitutional “moral force” agitation makes it uncertain whether he will accept the nomination, but the nomination proceeds anyway.

Mitchel’s return is unexpected, yet is met with public acclaim. Upon arriving in Queenstown (now Cobh, County Cork), he is met by a large crowd, and when he reaches Cork, a procession of ten thousand people escorts him to his hotel. This demonstrates the respect and support he still commands among Irish nationalists, despite his exile in the United States since 1853.

Mitchel then goes to Newry, his native town, where he stays for a few months to recuperate his health and await any opportunity to be elected to Parliament. However, no parliamentary vacancy arises during his stay, and he eventually returns to New York City in October 1872.

Mitchel’s return is part of a pattern of political activity in his later years. In 1875, he is again nominated for Tipperary, elected without opposition, and declared an abstentionist MP — but his election is overturned by the British government on the grounds of his previous felony conviction. He dies in March 1875 in Dromolane, County Down, in the same house where he was born.

In summary, July 25, 1872, marks the beginning of a brief but politically charged visit to Ireland for John Mitchel, a figure remembered for his uncompromising republican stance and his role in the Young Ireland movement.


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Irish Socialist Federation Farewell Dinner for James Connolly

On July 14, 1910, the Irish Socialist Federation (ISF) in New York City hosts a farewell dinner for James Connolly, marking the end of his time as its leader. This event is a significant moment in his career, as he had been instrumental in founding the Federation on March 29, 1907, and has been its driving force in organizing Irish socialist and trade union activity in the United States.

By 1910, Connolly has been active in the socialist movement in the United States for several years. He initially joins the Socialist Labor Party of America but becomes a full-time organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1905 to 1910, aligning with its syndicalist approach. His work with the Irish Socialist Federation has been central to building a network of Irish workers in America, linking them to socialist principles and Irish nationalist aspirations.

The July 14, 1910, dinner is a public acknowledgment of Connolly’s contributions and a symbolic send-off as he prepares to return to Ireland. Upon his return, he takes on a major role in the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), first in Belfast and then in Dublin, and later becomes acting General Secretary and Commandant of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA).

The political and labor impact of the event underscores Connolly’s growing influence in both the Irish socialist movement abroad and the domestic labor struggle. It reflects the Federation’s commitment to supporting Irish socialist leaders and their work in the United States and Ireland. It is also remembers as a key moment in Connolly’s transition from U.S. organizer to a central figure in the Irish labor and republican movements.

In short, the July 14, 1910, farewell dinner is both a personal farewell and a political milestone, highlighting Connolly’s role as a bridge between Irish socialism in the United States and the emerging labor and republican movements in Ireland.


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Founding of the Dublin Harp Society

The Dublin Harp Society is founded on July 13, 1809, by John Bernard Trotter, a former secretary to Charles James Fox and a passionate supporter of Irish music, to revive and preserve the ancient Irish harp tradition, and it flourishes briefly with contributions from prominent patrons and musicians before closing in 1812 due to financial difficulties.

Inspired by the Belfast Irish Harp Society, Trotter aims to create a society that will extend the revival of the Irish harp to the capital and broaden its audience across Ireland. The society’s purpose is to rescue the old Irish harp from oblivion, teach blind and talented harpers, and promote Irish music through public events, publications, and performances.

Trotter gathers an influential list of subscribers, including Thomas Moore, the poet and songwriter, and Sir Walter Scott, the Scottish novelist. He brings to Dublin Patrick Quin (pictured), a blind harper from Portadown, County Armagh, as the society’s instructor. Quin is one of the last of the traditional blind harpers and performs extensively at society events, including Turlough O’Carolan commemorations, delighting patrons and audiences. The Bishop of Kildare, Charles Dalrymple Lindsay, also supports the society by providing a house in Glasnevin for the instruction of harpers.

The society engages in multiple avenues to revive Irish harp music. In addition to the previously mentioned Turlough O’Carolan commemorations, circulars and subscription notices are published to drum up public support and secure funding. The Society hosts concerts and gatherings at prominent Dublin locations, offering elaborate performances for subscribers. Tuition and mentorship to young Irish harpers is provided, particularly to blind musicians, as part of a broader cultural and philanthropic effort. Trotter also personally subsidizes the society, contributing £200 annually, which helps maintain performances and attract participants.

Despite early enthusiasm, the society struggles financially due to Trotter’s generous hospitality and personal funding of its activities. By the close of 1812, the Dublin Harp Society becomes defunct when Trotter goes bankrupt. The society attempts to publish rules and regulations in 1810 and conduct active recruitment of subscribers and pupils, but it cannot be sustained beyond three years.

Although short-lived, the Dublin Harp Society contributes significantly to the preservation and promotion of the Irish harp, inspiring subsequent societies and harp revival initiatives in Ireland. It highlights the importance of cultural patrimony, music education, and public patronage, acting as a bridge between the older harp traditions and the modern revival movements seen in later 19th-century Ireland.

In summary, the Dublin Harp Society represents an early 19th-century endeavor to revive Ireland’s venerable harp tradition through education, sponsorship, and celebration of master harpers, leaving a lasting mark on the cultural memory of Irish music.