Free State Army officers, acting on intelligence that a meeting is in progress at Hudson’s home, leave Portobello Barracks (now Cathal Brugha Barracks) in two cars. As they approach, a Fianna Éireann member on sentry duty blows his whistle, alerting the occupants. The group scatters through the back garden, and Hudson is injured, dropping his weapon. A Free State Army officer approaches him at point‑blank range and shoots him.
At the time of his death, Hudson reportedly has his hands up, and he makes a deathbed declaration to that effect. An automatic pistol is found with him, but it is loaded with the wrong calibre ammunition, suggesting he could not have fired it.
Hudson’s killing occurs during a period of intense guerrilla warfare in south County Dublin. The area had seen earlier clashes between pro‑ and anti‑Treaty forces, and by August 1922, anti‑Treaty IRA columns are active in Dún Laoghaire and surrounding towns. His death is part of a broader campaign by Irish Free State forces to suppress anti‑Treaty resistance in the region.
Hudson’s case is remembered as one of the more controversial incidents of the Irish Civil War, reflecting the brutality and political divisions of the conflict. His father, Joseph Hudson Snr, was also an IRA volunteer.
In the early morning of August 5, 1922, during the Irish Civil War, around 200 anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteers are mobilised around Dublin. Their mission is to isolate the city by destroying all bridges and road crossings leading into it, cutting off Free State forces and supplies.
The anti-Treaty IRA, opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the newly established Irish Free State, aim to dismantle the stone bridges over Dublin’s rivers and canal, lay explosives on road and railway bridges, dig trenches in roads to block movement and scout the surrounding countryside for Free State troops.
They are organised in groups of 5–40, some armed with handguns and grenades, others with explosives and tools like spades and picks. Parties are sighted in the hills south of the city (from Kilakee to Roundwood) and across villages north of Dublin (from Raheny to Blanchardstown).
The Free State’s intelligence service intercepts the plan when Liam Clarke, a captured anti-Treaty officer, reveals the details to Free State Intelligence officers. This intelligence allows the Free State to anticipate and counter the operation.
On August 6, Free State forces move quickly to intercept the IRA. They capture 31 anti-Treaty irregulars at Glencullen Bridge (pictured) and later take 104 fighters in County Dublin, including officer Pat Sweeney. These actions cripple the remnants of the anti-Treaty IRA in Dublin and prevent the city from being isolated.
The “Bridges Job” is a major anti-Treaty attempt to cut off Dublin during the Irish Civil War. Its failure marks a turning point, as Free State forces can now move freely into the city, accelerating the end of the conventional phase of the conflict.
By mid-July 1922, the Free State has re-taken counties Limerick and Waterford, but the IRA still controls counties Cork and Kerry, as well as much of the west under Liam Lynch’s command. A purely land-based advance into these areas risks long, attritional battles. Dalton’s plan is to create a second front by landing troops along the County Kerry and County Cork coasts, isolating republican strongholds like Tralee.
The SS Lady Wicklow carries 450 soldiers of the Dublin Guardbrigade under Paddy Daly, along with a field gun and an armoured car nicknamed the Ex-Mutineer. The Dublin Guards are considered the most disciplined and politically reliable unit in the Army, and Daly is one of Michael Collins’ trusted lieutenants. The landing is intended to secure Fenit as a base for an amphibious assault on Tralee, a key republican stronghold.
The surprise attack catches the IRA forces off guard, taking their left flank in the rear. The Free State quickly advances, and by the following days, much of County Kerry is freed from republican control. The operation is part of a broader offensive that culminates in the capture of Tralee on August 2, one of the bloodiest single days of combat for the National Army.
While the initial landings are successful, the IRA mounts counterattacks over August and September, regaining some ground. However, the Free State’s superior resources, better equipment, and lack of popular support for the republicans allows them to consolidate control in County Kerry over time. The Fenit landing is a turning point, shifting the momentum in favour of the Free State and contributing to the eventual republican defeat in the Irish Civil War.
In summary, the August 2, 1922, naval landing at Fenit is a bold, surprise amphibious operation that disrupts republican defenses, opens County Kerry to Free State advance, and alters the course of the Irish Civil War.
(Pictured: Free State troops landing at Fenit, County Kerry, on August 2, 1922)
Mac Murchada has ruled Leinster since 1126 and is a powerful and ambitious king. He is an ally of Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, High King of Ireland, but their alliance is strained by rivalries and political maneuvering. In 1166, Mac Lochlainn’s own position is weakened after his subjects rebel and kill him, and Mac Murchada is next in Ua Conchobair’s line of succession.
Ua Conchobair, now High King, turns his attention to eliminating rivals. On August 1, 1166, Mac Murchada is defeated in open battle and forced to flee Ireland. His expulsion is a critical turning point as it strips him of his kingdom and leaves him without a base to rule.
Mac Murchada returns to Ireland in 1167 with an advance party of Anglo-Normans. In 1170, Strongbow arrives with a larger force, and together they capture Dublin. Mac Murchada marries his daughter, Aoife (Eva), to Strongbow, and upon his death in 1171, Strongbow succeeds as ruler of Leinster.
Mac Murchada’s defeat and subsequent alliance with the Normans initiates the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland, a process that leads to centuries of English political and military involvement in the country. His actions are remembered as a pivotal moment in Irish history, with complex legacies — seen by some as a desperate ruler trying to restore his throne, and by others as a traitor who opens the door to foreign domination.
In summary, August 1, 1166, is the day Diarmait Mac Murchada is overthrown by Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, leading to his exile and ultimately setting in motion the Norman conquest of Ireland.
The Irish Rebellion of 1798 has been suppressed in the east by British forces, but unrest continues in the west. The French Directory, influenced by Enlightenment ideals and shared revolutionary sympathies with the United Irishmen, see an opportunity to strike a blow against Britain and inspire Irish republicanism. The plan is to land French troops in Ireland to provide military aid to the rebels, incite a general uprising and potentially use Ireland as a staging ground for further operations against Britain.
The July 19 authorization marks the final political clearance for the operation. The first expedition is entrusted to GeneralJean Joseph Amable Humbert (pictured), a veteran of irregular warfare against the Vendéen insurgents. The force is small—about 1,025 French troops, three light field cannons, 3,000 muskets, and 400 sabres—but includes Irish allies such as Bartholomew Teeling and Fr. Henry O’Kane, who help spread the news of the landing.
On August 6, 1798, Humbert’s three frigates—La Concorde, La Franchise, and La Médée—sail from La Rochelle, taking a circuitous route to avoid British naval detection. They land at Killala Bay, County Mayo, where they quickly take control of the town, hoisting the French flag and rallying local Irish recruits.
Humbert’s landing in Killala, known locally as Bliadhan na bhFrancach (“The Year of the French”), sparks a brief but significant phase of the Rising. His forces achieve notable victories, such as the Races of Castlebar, but ultimately cannot sustain momentum against the British response. Humbert surrenders to British forces at Ballinamuck, County Longford, on September 8, 1798.
In summary, the July 19, 1798, authorization by the French Directory is the decisive political step that enables Humbert’s small but symbolic invasion of Ireland, which, though militarily limited, becomes a potent symbol of French-Irish revolutionary solidarity.
At the start of the Irish Civil War in June 1922, the Free State controls only Dublin. Anti‑Treaty forces, forming the so‑called Munster Republic, hold Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, along with much of the west. Waterford’s republican garrison has fortified the city, dismantled the drawbridge’s control equipment, and isolated the port by removing wireless and other communications.
On July 16, republican forces learn that Free State troops ae moving toward Waterford. They raise the drawbridge early and move vessels from the Kilkenny side to the Waterford side. On July 18, Prout’s column is spotted from Sallypark Hill, prompting republican machine gun and rifle fire. A Free State volunteer, Costeloe, is wounded and later dies.
From July 19, sniping continues across the River Suir. On July 19, the Free State brings the 18‑pounder artillery into position overlooking the city, bombarding republican positions. The republicans hold key buildings such as the Adelphia Hotel, Country Club, and Reginald’s Tower.
By July 21, Free State forces cross the River Suir downstream at Gyles Quay, enter the city, and drive out republican troops from their positions. The drawbridge on Redmond Bridge is lowered by hand, and republican reinforcements from Cork and Tipperary either withdraw or do not engage. The Free State takes Waterford on July 21, 1922, ending the republican hold on the city.
Two anti‑Treaty volunteers, Maurice McGrath and John “Bonny” Boyle, are killed. Two Free State soldiers, Sergeant James Howlett and Michael Costelloe, are killed. At least six civilians are killed, including Joseph Dwan, William Long, and a 10‑year‑old girl. Many civilians are wounded.
The fall of Waterford marks a key Free State victory in the conventional phase of the Irish Civil War, contributing to the re‑capture of major southern cities and paving the way for the later guerrilla phase.
(Pictured: John T. Prout at his wedding to Limerick native Mary Conba at St. John the Evangelist Church (O’Loughlin Memorial Church), Kilkenny, July 12, 1922)
The Siege of Athlone beginning on July 17, 1690, is a week-long Williamite assault against Jacobite-held Athlone, ending in a Jacobite victory due to effective defense of the city and the destruction of the connecting bridge over the River Shannon.
The siege occurs during the Williamite War in Ireland (1689–1691), in which supporters of King James II, known as the Jacobites, fight against the Williamite forces of King William of Orange. Athlone, a strategic town on the River Shannon, serves as a key defensive position for the Jacobites after the Williamite victory at the Battle of the Boyne earlier in July 1690.
On July 17, 1690, Williamite Lieutenant GeneralJames Douglas approaches Athlone with 12,000 soldiers, consisting of ten regiments of foot and five regiments of horse. The Jacobite garrison, commanded by ColonelRichard Grace, comprises approximately 4,500 men with three regiments of foot and eleven troops of horse.
Prior to the Williamite arrival, Jacobite troops destroy the bridge over the River Shannon, separating the eastern and western parts of the city and greatly strengthening the defense.
General Douglas demands the city’s surrender, but Colonel Grace famously refuses, shooting over the messenger’s head and declaring he will defend the city until his provisions are exhausted. The Williamites begin a bombardment utilizing twelve cannon and two mortars, while the Athlone defenders return fire.
Efforts to ford the River Shannon by the Williamite army after two days are repelled with significant losses, and ongoing artillery engagement continues throughout the week. Rumors of the approaching Jacobite cavalry under Patrick Sarsfield contributes to Douglas’s decision to retire. The Williamites suffer about 400 casualties and eventually retreat on July 24, 1690, marking a Jacobite victory.
Although the first siege ends in failure for the Williamites, it showcases the resilience of the town’s defenses and the leadership of Colonel Richard Grace. Athlone later falls in June 1691 during the second siege, where Grace dies defending the city. The 1690 siege is notable for its strategic defensive measures, including the destruction of the bridge and strong resistance against a superior attacking force, which temporarily blocks Williamite advances in central Ireland.
The first Siege of Athlone demonstrates the effectiveness of prepared urban defenses in 17th-century warfare and has implications for subsequent engagements during the Williamite War, setting the stage for the eventual fall of Athlone and other key territories in 1691.
The Irish Civil War (June 1922–May 1923) pits pro-Treaty Free State forces against anti-Treaty IRA units who oppose the Treaty’s terms. Aiken is a key republican commander, and Dundalk is a stronghold for his forces. By mid-July 1922, Free State troops have taken several towns, and Dundalk is next in line for reoccupation.
General Hogan’s forces enter Dundalk, engaging republican snipers and irregulars. The attack targets the Gaol, where Aiken and many of his men are held. The Free State troops overpower the defenders, leading to Aiken’s arrest and the capture of a significant portion of the Fourth Northern Division.
Aiken and about 104 other prisoners escape on July 27, 1922, through a narrow gap in the jail wall, later dubbed the “Hole in the Wall.” This escape is a major republican success, temporarily reoccupying Dundalk. However, Free State forces retake the town on August 14, 1922, and the jail remains under military control until 1924.
The capture is significant as it marks a turning point in the Free State’s campaign in County Louth, weakening republican resistance in the area. Aiken’s arrest underscores the Free State’s determination to dismantle anti-Treaty leadership. The events in Dundalk become a symbol of republican resilience, as the escape through the “Hole in the Wall” is widely reported and commemorated.
In summary, the July 16, 1922, capture of Frank Aiken in Dundalk is a decisive Free State action in the Irish Civil War, leading to a notable republican escape and a prolonged military standoff in the town.
(Pictured: Frank Aiken and the 4th Northern Division)
Wexford had been relatively quiet during the Irish War of Independence, but the Treaty split in 1921 creates deep divisions. The South Wexford Brigade under Thomas O’Sullivan is overwhelmingly anti-Treaty, while the North Wexford Brigade under Joseph Cummins is nominally pro-Treaty but contains a significant anti-Treaty minority. This division means that when the Irish Civil War breaks out on June 28, 1922, Wexford becomes one of the most violent counties, with Republican forces rapidly moving to secure strategic towns.
On July 4, anti-Treaty IRA units, including Tipperary volunteers and escaped Four Courts fighters, move into Enniscorthy, take over key positions and force the surrender of Free State troops. In the opening fighting, three combatants are killed — two IRA and one National Army — marking the first major Republican gains in the county. James Roche, an IRA member, is fatally wounded in an accident outside Newtownbarry (now Bunclody) on the same day, one of several accidental deaths among IRA personnel in Wexford during the Irish Civil War.
The capture of Enniscorthy is part of a broader Republican offensive in County Wexford in early July 1922. However, the balance of power shifts quickly. By July 6, a large relief force of government troops sets out from Dublin to retake the town. This marks the beginning of a protracted and bloody campaign in County Wexford, which sees the county become one of the most violent in the Irish Civil War.
In summary, the capture of Enniscorthy on July 4, 1922, is a significant Republican victory in County Wexford, driven by the Treaty split and reinforced by external IRA units. It reflects the rapid escalation of violence in the county and sets the stage for a prolonged and destructive phase of the Irish Civil War in County Wexford.
(Pictured: Enniscorthy at the turn of the last century, National Library of Ireland collections)
Barry returns to Bandon in early 1919. He describes in his guerilla days in Ireland a Damascus-like conversion to Irish nationalism on hearing of the Easter Rising while with the Mesopotamian expeditionary force, but he is only accepted into the IRA with considerable caution. Initially tested in intelligence and training work, in mid-1920 he takes charge of the new brigade flying column, which is used both to train officers and to stage offensive actions.
Barry adapts his military experience successfully to the demands of guerrilla warfare, becoming the most famed of column leaders during the Irish War of Independence. In his memoirs, he pours scorn on the obsession of many with military titles and orthodox procedure, complaining of a “paper army.” He stresses the need for spontaneity, initiative, and knowledge of local conditions. “The reality,” he writes, “was a group of fellows, mostly in caps and not-too-expensive clothing, wondering how to tackle their job and where they would sleep that night or get their supper.” (The Reality of the Anglo–Irish War (1974)). He well realises that the war’s character does not permit any close control from the IRA’s GHQ in Dublin, hence increasing the importance of local leaders. His tactics put strong emphasis on speed of movement and on the need to attack the enemy at his weakest point. The column’s ambush successes are small in number but among the best-remembered of the war. He admits, however, that his own and his column’s lack of experience with mines frequently weakened their offensives.
The column’s first successful ambush is at Tooreen on October 22, 1920, followed on November 28 by the dramatic ambushing of a patrol of auxiliaries at Kilmichael while traveling from their Macroom base. A column of thirty-six men, divided into three sections, kill sixteen auxiliaries, with one captured and later shot, suffering two fatalities of their own. Controversy has raged since over whether a false surrender by the British force caused the brutality of some of the deaths. Together with the Bloody Sunday killings of a week earlier in Dublin, Kilmichael has a profound effect on the British military and political establishment, with the declaration in December of martial law for much of Munster and the implementation of wide-ranging internment, together with the authorisation of official reprisals.
After a short period in hospital with a heart condition, in early 1921 Barry leads unsuccessful attacks on Kilbrittain, Innishannon, Drimoleague, and Bandon barracks. The seizure of Burgatia House, outside Rosscarbery, in early February, and the successful resistance made there to British troops, wins much publicity but has little military significance. He is a leading figure in the brutal final stage of the war in the first six months of 1921, which sees widespread shooting of suspected spies and destruction of loyalist property. By March 1921, his flying column, with 104 men, is easily the largest in Ireland, and an explosives expert, Capt. McCarthy, has joined them.
The protracted engagement between Barry’s column and encircling British forces at Crossbarry on March 19, 1921, comes at a time when large-scale sweeps are making life increasingly difficult for the IRA. It consists of a daring and courageous breakout. Crossbarry is the largest action of the war, and Barry is to regard it as even more important than Kilmichael. Soon afterwards, Rosscarbery barracks is successfully attacked by a Barry-led party, representing one of the few successful such initiatives in 1921. Isolated triumphs, however, cannot hide the fact that pressure is increasing on the column, and he becomes increasingly critical of inactive regions. He is later to say that all County Kerry does during the war is to shoot one decent police inspector at Listowel Racecourse and a colleague of his. He is strongly critical also of the lack of assistance from GHQ and of the divisionalisation policy. He visits Dublin in May, travels around with Michael Collins, and is present when two American officers demonstrate the Thompson submachine gun. He is more aware than most of his 1st Southern Division colleagues of the scarcity of arms and ammunition at the war’s end.
During the truce, Barry becomes liaison officer for Munster, riling the British by insisting on his military rank, and criticising the IRA liaison men in Dublin for being overly deferential. He joins the overwhelming majority of the Cork IRA in opposing the Anglo–Irish Treaty but plays a characteristically maverick role throughout the treaty split. His independent attitude is heightened by his dislike of Liam Lynch, the republican IRA’s Chief of Staff, and his continuing respect for Michael Collins. He shows impatience at the long-drawn-out peace initiatives. In March 1922, therefore, he advocates armed confrontation with pro-treaty units over the occupation of barracks in Limerick, and on June 18 he submits a resolution, which only narrowly fails, at the army convention, giving British troops seventy-two hours to leave Dublin.
At the beginning of the Irish Civil War, Barry is arrested entering the Four Courts disguised as a woman. He escapes from an internment camp at Gormanston in early September 1922. For the rest of the war his actions mirror its confused nature. In late October 1922, he leads successful raids on the small towns of Ballineen and Enniskean, and later on Inchigeelagh and Ballyvourney. In December his column takes Carrick-on-Suir, demonstrating the weakness of the Free State army, but his talk of advancing on the Curragh and of large-scale actions does not materialise. There is no evidence that he is acting in accordance with any coordinated plan. By February 1923, he realises that the Republican IRA cause is hopeless and he is involved with Fr. Tom Duggan in efforts to get 1st Southern Division to declare a ceasefire. He journeys to Dublin to put pressure on the intransigent Lynch in this connection, telling Lynch, “I did more fighting in one week than you did in your whole life.”
Barry avoids capture in roundups after the war, remaining on the run until 1924. Unlike many republicans, he does not turn to constitutionalism, remaining strongly militaristic. He is always an unreconstructed republican, though by no means a naive one. In 1924 he becomes attached to Cleeves Milk Co., based in Limerick and Clonmel, and from 1927 to retirement in 1965 is general superintendent with the Cork harbour commissioners. He strongly advocates preserving the independence of the IRA army executive during the republican split of 1925–27. He is instrumental in continuing the drilling of IRA members and is a strong supporter of armed opposition to the Blueshirts.
During the 1930s Barry is arrested at various times for possession of arms and seditious utterances. He promotes an attack against a Freemasons’ meeting in Cork in 1936 and gives the orders for the killing on March 4 of that year of Vice-AdmiralHenry Boyle Somerville. He is opposed to the use by Frank Ryan of IRA volunteers to support the republican cause in the Spanish Civil War and to the proposals of Seán Russell for a bombing campaign in England. To maintain the link with traditional republicanism, he is elected IRA chief of staff in 1937. His plan, however, for the seizure of Armagh city, as part of a direct northern offensive, quickly collapses due to a leak of information, and he soon resigns his position. He forcefully attacks the bombing of English cities in 1938, regarding attacks on innocent civilians as immoral and counterproductive. He enlists in the National Army on July 12, 1940, only to be demobilised a month later. In 1946, he stands as an independent candidate in a by-election in the Cork Borough constituency, finishing at the bottom of the poll. He is more comfortable the following year touring the United States on an anti-partition platform.
In 1949 his Guerilla Days in Ireland is published. It proves a best-seller and has frequently been reprinted. It is well written in a forceful and direct style, one memoir needing no assistance from a ghost writer. Age does not mellow him: lawyers and bank managers are threatened by him over matters relating to his own column, and in 1974 he publishes a fierce pamphlet, angry at perceived slights in the Irish War of Independence memoir of Liam Deasy. He does strive to achieve a public reconciliation with Collins’s memory by unveiling the memorial to Collins at Sam’s Cross in 1966. On the outbreak of the Northern Ireland crisis in the late 1960s, he takes a militant line, castigating the argument that the Six Counties can be brought into the Republic by peaceful means, and asking when had peaceful means existed there. At the memorial meeting in Carrowkennedy, County Mayo, in 1971, he claims that there is a perfect right at the opportune time to take the Six Counties by force. He remains opposed to IRA bombing of civilian targets.
Barry dies in Cork on July 2, 1980. He is buried in St. Finbarr’s Cemetery, Cork. Early in the truce of 1921 he marries Leslie Price, one of the most active of Cumann na mBan members during and after the rising. They have no children.
While Barry always remains an influential figure in republican circles, he will be remembered best as the pioneer of guerrilla warfare, the hero of Kilmichael and Crossbarry. His military flair, individualism, and ruthlessness are well suited to the 1919–21 conflict. After that, his strained relations with colleagues and his lack of flexibility reduce his importance. While his life after the revolutionary era appears anti-climactic, he retains much of his charisma. In later years, he is ever willing to remind politicians and historians how far Ireland has retreated from republican ideals. He is often prickly and autocratic yet could be generous to old colleagues of either side of the treaty split. He is arguably the most intelligent but also the most intolerant of the revolutionary leaders.
(From: “Barry, Thomas Bernadine (‘Tom’)” by M. A. Hopkinson, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
seamus dubhghaill 