Hogan is one of four sons and three daughters of Patrick Hogan, farmer, and Margaret Hogan (née Galvin). His family are staunch nationalists who have been heavily involved in the land struggle. He is the brother of Major General Daniel (Dan) Hogan, who is Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces in the 1920s. On November 19, 1920, Hogan is elected company commander of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the Grangemockler area, where he is working on the family farm.
A dedicated footballer, Hogan is the established full back on the Tipperary county football team. During the Irish War of Independence very few championships are completed, and challenge matches are the chief attraction. Following the success of a Kildare–Dublin challenge match, a challenge is organised between Tipperary and Dublin at Croke Park, Dublin, on November 21, 1920.
The day before the match, Hogan travels on the train with the other members of the team. A number of the players, including Hogan, become involved in a fight with soldiers from the Royal Lincolnshire Regiment before throwing them from the train. On arrival at (Kingsbridge) Heuston Station, they quickly go their separate ways anticipating arrest. Michael and Thomas “Tommy” Ryan, the two IRA members on the team, decide to stay at Philip Shanahan‘s pub in Monto that night, rather than Barry’s Hotel as planned. There they learn that “there is a ‘big job coming off” the following day but are unaware of the details.
On the morning of the match, fourteen members of the British intelligence service are assassinated by the IRA. This leads to concerns about the match and the safety of spectators, and the Dublin brigade of the IRA urges that the game be cancelled. Shanahan informs the team of the shooting of the British agents. Ryan claims that Dan Breen advised them it would be better not to attend the match, but instead to return to Tipperary. Leading Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) officials Jim Nowlan, Dan MacCarthy and Luke O’Toole decide the match should proceed, arguing that a postponement would associate the IRA’s activities with the GAA.
Dublin and Tipperary are two of the best teams in the country at the time (and later contest the 1920 All-Ireland Senior Football Championship final when it is eventually played in 1922), so despite the events of the morning, a large crowd of some 10,000 people are in attendance.
At 3:00 p.m., not long after the match has started, a British military plane flies over and drops a flare, signaling British forces to converge on the ground. Black and Tans enter Croke Park and open fire on the crowd.
Hogan drops to the ground and is crawling to safety when a bullet hits him in the mouth. Tom Ryan, a young spectator from Wexford, enters the pitch to pray beside the dying Hogan and is also fatally shot. Another player, Jim Egan, is wounded, but survives. In all, fourteen people are killed and dozens are wounded and injured. The events of that day come to be known as “Bloody Sunday.”
Hogan’s body is returned to Grangemockler for burial on November 24, 1920. A huge crowd attends the funeral. He is buried in his football colours in a coffin draped with the tricolour. The GAA commemorates him by naming the main stand at Croke Park after him and erecting a monument to his memory at Grangemockler. His football jersey is in the South Tipperary County Museum in Clonmel.
FitzGerald is born in 1238 in Wexford, the second son of Maurice FitzGerald, 2nd Lord of Offaly, and Juliana de Grenville. He has three brothers, Gerald FitzMaurice II, Thomas FitzMaurice and David FitzMaurice. He is known by the nickname of Maurice Mael (from an old word meaning “devotee” in Irish). He is granted his father’s lands in Connacht in exchange for quitclaiming the barony of Offaly sometime before May 20, 1257, when his father, Maurice FitzGerald II, dies at Youghal Monastery.
Before his father’s death, FitzGerald is custos of Offaly, but after the 2nd Lord of Offaly dies, the countess of Lincoln, Margaret de Quincy, sues him for custody of Offaly.
Terrible feuds rage in his time between the Geraldines and the De Burghs. FitzGerald and his nephew John, son of his brother Thomas, capture the justiciar, Richard de la Rochelle, Theobald Butler IV, and John de Cogan I (whose son is married to Maurice FitzGerald III’s sister, Juliana). The capture of the three magnates leads to a private war in Ireland, with the Geraldines on one side and Walter de Burgh and Geoffrey de Geneville on the other. However, the Second Barons’ War in England forces them to come to a temporary peace while they battle Montfortians in the English Midlands in 1266.
In May 1265, FitzGerald is among the chief magnates in Ireland summoned to inform King Henry III of England and his son Prince Edward about conditions in the country, and again in June 1265. These are the result of the private war between the Geraldines and Walter de Burgh, lord of Connacht (who is later made the 1st Earl of Ulster). He is appointed Justiciar of Ireland on June 23, 1272, following the accidental death of his predecessor, James de Audley, on June 11 of that year. His father had served in the same capacity from 1232 to 1245. He holds the post until September 1273, when he is succeeded by Sir Geoffrey de Geneville, Seigneur de Vaucouleurs.
In 1276, FitzGerald leads a force of men from Connacht against the Irish of County Wicklow. His contingent joins the main army of English settlers jointly commanded by his son-in-law, Thomas de Clare, Lord of Inchiquin and Youghal, who had been made Lord of Thomond earlier that same year, and Sir Geoffrey de Geneville, Maurice’s successor as Justiciar of Ireland. The English under Thomas de Clare and Geoffrey de Geneville attack the Irish at Glenmalure, but are defeated and suffer heavy losses.
Shortly before October 28, 1259, FitzGerald married his first wife, Maud de Prendergast, daughter of Sir Gerald de Prendergast of Beauvoir and Matilda de Burgh, daughter of Richard Mór de Burgh. Together they have two daughters:
FitzGerald is Maud’s third husband. She dies on an unknown date. In 1273, he marries his second wife, Emmeline Longespee (1252–1291), daughter of Stephen Longespée and Emmeline de Ridelsford. He and Emeline have no issue.
FitzGerald dies September 2, 1277, at Ross, County Wexford. Emmeline Longespée then fights until her death to claim her dower against her daughter, Juliana, her stepdaughter, Amabilia, and John FitzGerald, who is created 1st Earl of Kildare on May 14, 1316. John is the son of his brother, Thomas by Rohesia de St. Michael. John sues or physically takes lands from the bailiffs of Emmeline, Juliana, and Amabilia.
There is some confusion as to whether Gerald Fitzmaurice FitzGerald is the first or second son of Maurice FitzGerald, 2nd Lord of Offaly. Most, like M. Hickson, of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (RSAI) say he is the eldest. Lord Walter FitzGerald says he is the second. In any event, he predeceases his father in 1243. His son, Maurice FitzGerald, drowns in the Irish Channel in July 1268. His son is Gerald FitzMaurice III, born in 1263. Gerald’s marriage is sold to Geoffrey de Geneville, who matches Gerald with his own daughter, Joan, but he dies childless on August 29, 1287.
Maurice FitzMaurice FitzGerald 3rd Earl of Offaly, is succeeded by his nephew John, son of his younger brother Thomas FitzMaurice FitzGerald.
Several of Redmond’s relatives are politicians. He takes over control of the minority IPP faction loyal to Charles Stewart Parnell after Parnell dies in 1891. He is a conciliatory politician who achieves the two main objectives of his political life: party unity and, in September 1914, the passing of the Irish Home Rule Act.
The Irish Home Rule Act grants limited self-government to Ireland, within the United Kingdom. However, implementation of Home Rule is suspended by the outbreak of the World War I. Redmond calls on the National Volunteers to join Irish regiments of the New British Army and support the British and Allied war effort to restore the “freedom of small nations” on the European continent, thereby to also ensure the implementation of Home Rule after a war that is expected to be of short duration. However, after the Easter Rising of 1916, Irish public opinion shifts in favour of militant republicanism and full Irish independence, resulting in his party losing its dominance in Irish politics.
In sharp contrast to Parnell, Redmond lacks charisma. He works well in small committees but has little success in arousing large audiences. Parnell had always chosen the nominees to Parliament. Now they are selected by the local party organisations, giving Redmond numerous weak MPs over whom he has little control. He is an excellent representative of the old Ireland but grows increasingly old-fashioned because he pays little attention to the new forces attracting younger Irishmen, such as Sinn Féin in politics, the Gaelic Athletic Association in sports, and the Gaelic League in cultural affairs.
Redmond never tries to understand the unionist forces emerging in Ulster. He is further weakened in 1914 by the formation of the Irish Volunteers by Sinn Féin members. His enthusiastic support for the British war effort alienates many Irish nationalists. His party has been increasingly hollowed out, and a major crisis, notably the Easter Rising, is enough to destroy it.
Redmond is increasingly eclipsed by ill-health after 1916. An operation in March 1918 to remove an intestinal obstruction appears to progress well initially, but he then suffers heart failure. He dies a few hours later at a Londonnursing home on March 6, 1918.
Condolences and expressions of sympathy are widely expressed. After a funeral service in Westminster Cathedral his remains are interred, as requested in a manner characteristic of the man, in the family vault at the old Knights Templars‘ chapel yard of Saint John’s Cemetery, Wexford, amongst his own people rather than in the traditional burial place for Irish statesmen and heroes in Glasnevin Cemetery. The small, neglected cemetery near the town centre is kept locked to the public. His vault, which has been in a dilapidated state, has been only partially restored by Wexford County Council.
Whitty is born in on January 7, 1904, in Newbawn, County Wexford. He is a Volunteer in the IRA, who serves in the South Wexford Brigade during the Irish War of Independence. After the signing of the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, he joins the Anti-Treaty side in the Irish Civil War.
In late October 1922, Whitty is arrested (although never charged or convicted of any crime) in a roundup of dissidents. He is initially interned by Irish Free State troops at Wexford Prison and from there is transferred to the Curragh Camp. It has been asserted that his arrest was in revenge for the actions of his brothers who are deeply involved with the IRA. The authorities are unable to locate his brothers, so he is arrested instead.
While at the Curragh Camp, Whitty decides to independently start a hunger strike and dies as a result on August 2, 1923, at the Curragh Camp hospital. At the time, hunger strikes are not an official policy of the IRA and are not directed by its General Headquarters. Instead, each hunger striker makes an individual decision to strike. Due to the newly formed Irish Free State government’s news embargo on conditions in prisons at the time, very little is published on Whitty’s motivations and the circumstances of his hunger strike and death, including the number of days of his strike.
Earlier, the high-profile hunger strike deaths of Thomas Ashe, president of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in 1917 and Terence MacSwiney, Lord Mayor of Cork in 1920, bring international attention to the Republicans’ cause. The Irish Government’s news embargo prevents the embarrassment of having to publicly announce the death by hunger strike of a 19-year-old internee. From 1922, hunger strikes are of value only when a government is likely to be embarrassed sufficiently by the death of a prisoner.
With the ending of the 1923 Irish Hunger Strikes in late November 1923, the news embargo is relaxed. The November 20, 1923 death of Denny Barry from County Cork and the November 22, 1923 death of Andy O’Sullivan from County Cavan are widely reported in the media, while Whitty’s earlier death in August remains largely unreported.
After Whitty’s non-sanctioned hunger strike and death, Michael Kilroy, the Officer Commanding (OC) of IRA prisoners in Mountjoy Prison announces that 300 men will go on hunger strike on October 13, 1923. By late 1923, thousands of Irish republican prisoners are on hunger strike in multiple prisons and internment camps across Ireland. The mass hunger strikes of October/November 1923 see around 8,000 of the 12,000 Anti-Treaty republican prisoners on hunger strikes in Irish prisons, protesting internment without charge/trial, poor prison conditions and demanding immediate release of all political prisoners. Previously, the Irish Free State government had passed a motion outlawing the release of prisoners on hunger strike.
With the death of Whitty and two other recent Irish republican hunger strikers, Michael Fitzgerald (died October 17, 1920) and Joe Murphy (died October 25, 1920) and the large numbers of Irish republican prisoners on hunger strike, the Irish Free State Government sends a delegation to speak with IRA leadership in late October 1923. On November 23, 1923, the day after Andy O’Sullivan’s death, the hunger strike is called off, eventually setting off a release program for many of the prisoners, although some are not released until as late as 1932. The mass hunger strike of 1923 lasts for 41 days and met with little success.
Whitty is buried at Ballymore Cemetery. Killinick, County Wexford. The inscription on his grave reads: “In Memory of Joseph Whitty, Connolly St, Wexford. South Wexford Brigade who died for Ireland 2nd August 1923.”
The Sinn Féin Cumann (Association) in Wexford is named after Joe Whitty. The annual Joe Whitty Commemoration is held each year on Easter Saturday evening in Ballymore, County Wexford.
Born into a political family in Wexford, Howlin is the son of John and Molly Howlin (née Dunbar), and named after Brendan Corish, the local Labour TD and later leader of the Labour Party. His father is a trade union official who serves as secretary of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) in Wexford for 40 years. He also secures election as a Labour member of Wexford Corporation, where he serves for eighteen years, and is also election agent to Brendan Corish. His mother is also strongly involved in local Labour politics. His brother Ted is a former member of Wexford County Council and Lord Mayor of Wexford. He is raised on William Street in Wexford with his three siblings.
Howlin grows up in Wexford town and is educated locally in the Faythe and at Wexford CBS. He later attends St. Patrick’s College, Dublin, and qualifies as a primary school teacher. During his career as a teacher, he is active in the Irish National Teachers’ Organisation (INTO), before embarking on a career in full-time politics.
Howlin credits his introduction to politics to his involvement in the Irish anti-nuclear movement. The chair of Nuclear Opposition Wexford (NOW), he is involved in the organisation of a protest against the building of a nuclear power plant in Carnsore Point, which draws 40,000 protestors. In 1979, he is asked to run for Wexford Corporation and is selected in his absence but declines to run in order to continue as chair of NOW.
Howlin contests his first general election at the November 1982 Irish general election. He runs as a Labour candidate in the Wexford constituency, but despite the existence of a large left-wing vote in the area, he is not elected. In spite of this setback, a Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition government comes to power, and he is nominated by the Taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald, to serve in Seanad Éireann as a Senator. He secures election to Wexford County Council in 1985 and serves as Mayor of Wexford in 1986.
In 1987, the Labour Party withdraws from the coalition government and a general election is called. Howlin once again contests a seat in Wexford and is elected to Dáil Éireann. Labour are out of office as a Fianna Fáil government takes office. In spite of his recent entry to the Dáil, he is subsequently named Chief Whip of the Labour Party, a position he holds until 1993.
The 1992 Irish general election results in a hung Dáil once again. However, the Labour Party enjoys their best result to date at the time. After negotiations, a Fianna Fáil-Labour Party coalition government comes to office. Howlin joins the cabinet of Taoiseach Albert Reynolds as Minister for Health. During his tenure the development of a four-year health strategy, the identifying of HIV/AIDS prevention as a priority and the securing of a £35 million investment in childcare are advanced. He, however, is also targeted by anti-abortion groups after introducing an act which would allow information regarding abortion.
In 1994, the Labour Party withdraws from government after a disagreement over the appointment of Attorney GeneralHarry Whelehan as a Judge of the High Court and President of the High Court. However, no general election is called and, while it is hoped that the coalition could be revived under the new Fianna Fáil leader Bertie Ahern, the arithmetic of the Dáil now allows the Labour Party to open discussions with other opposition parties. After negotiations a Rainbow Coalition comes to power involving Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left. In John Bruton‘s cabinet, he becomes Minister for the Environment.
Following the 1997 Irish general election, a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats coalition government comes to power and the Labour Party returns to the opposition benches. In the announcement of the party’s new front bench, Howlin retains responsibility for the Environment.
In late 1997, Dick Spring resigns as leader of the Labour Party and Howlin immediately throws his hat into the ring in the subsequent leadership election. In a choice between Howlin and Ruairi Quinn, the former gains some early support; however, the leadership eventually goes to Quinn by a significant majority. As a show of unity, Howlin is later named deputy leader of the party and retains his brief as Spokesperson for the Environment and Local Government.
In 2002, following Quinn’s resignation as party leader after Labour’s relatively unsuccessful 2002 Irish general election campaign, Howlin again stands for the party leadership. For the second time in five years, he is defeated for the leadership of the party, this time by Pat Rabbitte, who is formerly a leading figure in Democratic Left. He is succeeded as deputy leader by Liz McManus.
While having been publicly supportive of Rabbitte’s leadership, Howlin is perceived as being the leader of the wing of the party which is sceptical of Rabbitte’s policy with regard to future coalition with Fianna Fáil. Rabbitte explicitly rules out any future coalition with Fianna Fáil, instead forming a formal alliance with Fine Gael in the run-up to the 2007 Irish general election (the so-called Mullingar Accord).
On June 26, 2007, Howlin is appointed the Leas-Cheann Comhairle (deputy chairperson) of Dáil Éireann.
After the 2011 Irish general election, Fine Gael and the Labour Party form a government, and Howlin is appointed to the new office of Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. In May 2011, he says that over the next 20 years the number of people in Ireland over 65 is set to increase by almost half a million, a situation that could see the annual health budget soar – rising by €12.5 billion in the next decade alone. While reform is a major part of government attempts “to regain full sovereignty over economic policy,” he tells a meeting of the Association of Chief Executives of State Agencies they will in any event face key “imperatives” in coming years. He says a new public spending review, on which he has briefed the cabinet in recent days, will not be a simple assessment of where to make cuts, but will also consider the way public sector services are delivered. He reiterates the government’s commitment not to cut public sector pay, “if the Croke Park Agreement works.” “These are just some of the challenges that our society is facing in the coming decade – crisis or no crisis. In the good times, tackling them was going to be difficult. Today, in these difficult times, tackling them is going to be imperative.” He says Ireland is facing a profound and complex economic crisis “where we are fighting a battle on three fronts – mass unemployment, a major failure in banking, and a fiscal crisis.”
Howlin retains his seat in the Dáil following the 2016 Irish general election, though only six of his Labour colleagues do likewise and the party returns to the opposition benches. Following the resignation of Joan Burton, he contests the 2016 Labour Party leadership election unopposed and is elected Leader of the Labour Party on May 20, 2016.
In March 2018, Howlin criticises Taoiseach Leo Varadkar for failing to personally invite him to accompany him as he meets ambulance crews in Howlin’s constituency of Wexford. Varadkar replies that he has been far too busy dealing with the recent weather crisis and Brexit “to organise invitations to Deputies personally in order that they felt included.” It is separately said of Howlin’s complaint, “It appears that the Taoiseach, the chief executive of the State, needs the imprimatur of local politicians when he enters their bailiwick, and needs to be accompanied and monitored by those same politicians while he is in their realm.”
Alan Kelly challenges Howlin for the party leadership in 2018, stating that he has failed to “turn the ship around.” He states that Kelly’s comments are a disappointing and unnecessary distraction. He also says that there is not a single parliamentary party member that supports the challenge, and that Kelly has the backing of a minority of councillors.
In September 2018, Howlin states that winning 14 seats in the 33rd Dáil is a realistic goal. During the campaign in 2020, he states his wish to end the United States‘s use of Shannon Airport for military related activities. In the 2020 Irish general election, party first preference vote drops to 4.4% of first preference votes and returns 6 seats – a record low. Howlin announces his intention to step down as leader on February 12, 2020. He also says that the Labour Party should not formally enter government, a view that is backed by the parliamentary party. He also states that he will not back any candidate in the following contest. On February 15, 2020, he rules himself out as a candidate for Ceann Comhairle of the 33rd Dáil, with the polling day to elect his successor set for April 3, 2020.
In 2020, Howlin’s legislation (Harassment, Harmful Communications and Related Offences Bill) is passed and signed into law by Michael D. Higgins. This bill makes the distribution of intimate images or “revenge porn” a criminal offense and makes other forms of cyberbullying and harassment punishable.
Howlin is a single man. He has spoken publicly of receiving hate mail relating to his private life and questioning his sexual orientation. In an interview with The Star during the 2002 Labour Party leadership contest, in response to repeated speculation, he announces he is “not gay.”
Henry II returns to England on April 17, 1172, having granted a charter to Dublin, the first granted to an Irish town.
Toward the end of 1171, Henry II, the first king of England to set foot on Irish soil, lands at Crook, County Waterford. His visit to Ireland serves two purposes. Firstly, it allows him to bring his adventurous English barons to heel and put the royal seal on their conquests in Ireland. Secondly, it means he can avoid meeting the cardinal legates who have been dispatched from Rome to investigate his complicity in the murder of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, in 1170.
When the King of Leinster, Diarmait Mac Murchada, finds himself exiled in the late 1160s, he quickly finds help across the Irish Sea. He finds Henry II on the banks of the Loire in 1166 and is then pointed in the direction of south Wales by a Bristol merchant to find Richard FitzGilbert de Clare, more commonly known as Strongbow, who is then out of royal favour due to his prior support of Henry II’s competition for the kingship, Stephen of Blois.
Bolstered by English forces, Diarmait returns to Ireland and retakes his kingdom with Strongbow’s help, the latter earning the hand in marriage of Diarmait’s daughter, Aoife, in return. None of this has greatly concerned Henry II, until Diarmait dies, and Strongbow seizes the Kingdom of Leinster for himself in 1171. Leinster encompasses not only the counties of Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford, Kildare, and parts of Wicklow, Laois, and Offaly, but the kings of Leinster are often the overlords of the flourishing Hiberno-Norse ports of Wexford and Dublin, both of which have considerable trading links with England and wider Europe.
Concerned with the growing power of Strongbow in Ireland, Henry II decides to head across the Irish Sea. He originally intends to arrive in Ireland in September 1171, but unfavourable winds on the coast of southwest Wales delay his journey for 17 days. He finally embarks from Pembroke on October 16 and arrives on the County Waterford coast the following day.
Naturally, Henry does not come alone and is at the head of an estimated 4,000 strong army comprised of 500 knights and their esquires and a large body of archers, all of which are carried, along with horses, in 400 ships. The undertaking is vast, and a large quantity of supplies are gathered to provision this considerable force. These ingredients include salted meats and fish, 1,000 lbs. of wax to ensure that Henry can seal charters and mandates, and, of course, the oil on which the medieval war machine runs, wine.
With the arrival of Henry II in Ireland, Strongbow surrenders the kingdom of Leinster and the Hiberno-Norse towns of Dublin, Wexford, and Waterford. Henry II regrants Leinster to Strongbow as a lordship, and later grants him Wexford. However, Waterford and Dublin become, and remain, royal ports.
Henry II then tours Ireland, showing the clergymen and native kings who their new lord is. He first visits Lismore and Cashel, then back to Waterford for a brief rest, before journeying by way of Kilkenny to Dublin, where he arrives around November 11. At all of his stop he collects the submissions of the Irish kings, with the probable exception of Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair (Rory O’Connor), who is the claimant to the high kingship of Ireland at the time.
Outside the city walls of Dublin, Henry II constructs a palace at the present-day southern side of Dame Street, where he celebrates the winter festivities until February 2. At this time, he also grants Dublin its first charter, on a piece of parchment measuring only 121 x 165 mm, which, extraordinarily, survives to this day. Henry’s charter to Dublin grants the right to live in the city to the men of Bristol, with whom the men of Dublin have enjoyed pre-existing economic relations.
About March 1, 1172, Henry II makes his way to Wexford, before finally departing for England on Easter Sunday, April 17, after celebrating Mass. It is probable that he had intended to stay in Ireland longer than he did, but events in England and Normandy divert his attention. In Normandy, Henry II’s son, Henry, has gone into rebellion against his father, while in England, the cardinal legates are threatening to interdict Henry’s lands unless he comes to meet with them regarding Becket’s murder.
The circumstances which lead to Henry II’s departure are more telling for Ireland’s future than any member of contemporary society could have realised. Now, Ireland has to compete with the other segments of a vast transnational realm, with lands stretching across England, Wales and France. Although Henry II is the first king of England to arrive in Ireland, his visit does not mean that royal visits would become a routine occurrence. Throughout the Middle Ages, the kings of England only directly visit Ireland in 1185, 1210, 1394–5, and 1399. As such, Henry’s visit and departure marks the beginning of absentee lordship over Ireland.
(From: “The royal visit: what did Henry II do in Ireland 850 years ago?” by John Marshall, PhD student in the Department of History at Trinity College Dublin, RTÉ, http://www.rte.ie | Pictured: Henry at Waterford, Ireland, October 18, 1172. Illustration by James E. Doyle (1864). Image: Historical Picture Archive/ Corbis via Getty Images)
Dunne is born as Bernard Dunn in the village of Rostrevor, County Down, on May 19, 1908. He is the eldest son and second among three children of Barney Dunn, a businessman, and Margaret (née Byrne). His father inherits the Woodside Restaurant Temperance Refreshment Rooms and an auctioneering firm, and his mother runs a drapery business and later a shipping agency. He attends St. Mary’s School in Rostrevor until he is fourteen years old. While still in school he takes on a number of jobs, including repairing bicycles, rearing sheep, and working as a boot-boy at the home of Sir John Foster George Ross of Bladensburg. He is convinced not to emigrate to the United States by a family friend, Edward Whitaker.
Dunne moves to Drogheda in the newly established Irish Free State in 1926. He is employed as an apprentice first in Anderson’s of West Street, Drogheda, and later in Cameron’s Drapery store in Longford. It is after his move to Longford that he adds an “e” to his surname. In the mid-1930s, he moves to Cork, where he works as a buyer for Roches Stores in the menswear department. In 1944, he leaves Roches Stores to open a drapery shop with his friend, Des Darrer, across the road from Roches Stores on St. Patrick’s Street. A high-profile advertising campaign, combined with low prices, launches the venture successfully.
A second store opens on North Main Street, Cork, in 1947, which is followed by stores in Waterford and Mallow. Dunne and Darrer remain in partnership until 1952, when it is dissolved and Darrer takes ownership of the Waterford Dunnes Stores, renaming it Darrers.
The tenth store, in Wexford, opens in 1955, and the first store in Dublin opens in 1958. In 1960, Dunne launches the store’s first own-brand product, a lady’s jacket under the label St. Bernard. By 1964, Dunnes Stores has expanded into grocery and has an annual turnover of £6 million. He purchases two other Dublin stores, Bolger’s and Cassidy’s, in 1972, which have eleven shops across Dublin combined. Dunnes Stores opens its first branch in Northern Ireland in 1976.
Dunne meets his wife, Nora Maloney, while working at Roches Stores. They are married in September 1939 and have six children, including Margaret (Dunne) Heffernan, Frank, Elizabeth (Dunne) McMahon, Therese, and Ben Junior. Ben and later Margaret go on to work in the family business.
The family lives in Douglas, Cork, at Brownington Park, and in Blackrock, Cork, at Barnstead and at Ringmahon House. Following the establishment of the Dunnes Stores headquarters in Dublin in the early 1970s, the family moves to Jury’s Hotel, Dame Street. He and Nora later move to the Shelbourne Hotel, where they live until his death on April 14, 1983.
Clean-up operations are underway around Ireland on Wednesday, December 30, 2015, in the wake of Storm Frank, which causes widespread flooding following its landfall in western areas on Tuesday, December 29. Thousands of households and businesses are left without electricity in many areas of the country.
A Met Éireann status orange wind warning is lifted at 2:00 p.m. on Wednesday although the forecasts caution that severe winds of 65-80 km/h and gusts of up 130 km/h are still expected. While the heaviest rainfall from the storm falls overnight, many rivers and lakes have yet to peak meaning further flooding is possible.
According to an ESB Networks spokesman, 7,500 homes are without power in the afternoon, down from the overnight total of 13,000. He says repair crews are working to restore power to those cut off. The biggest single outage overnight is around Bandon and Fermoy in County Cork where 4,000 homes are without power, although it has been restored to almost all homes by the afternoon of December 30.
At 2:00 p.m. on Wednesday, the worst affected areas are County Wicklow with 1,200 houses without power, Macroom in County Cork where 600 are without power and Athlone where 500 homes are cut off. Around 500 homes in Naas, County Kildare, are without power as are 350 houses in Skerries in north County Dublin. It is hoped that power will be restored to all customers by the evening.
County Cork appears to be the worst affected by the storm where 60 mms (almost three inches) of rain falls since the morning of December 29. The threat of further flooding in Cork remains as the ESB increases the flow of water through the Inniscarra Dam to 250 cumecs (cubic metres per second) between 9:00 a.m. and midday which leads to increased flooding downstream. This is higher than the level of flow (180 cumecs) the previous and between December 6 and 12 along the River Lee following Storm Desmond.
Cork County manager Tim Lucey says there has been “extensive flooding” across a range of areas, but that Midleton and Bandon are worst hit with some 90 properties affected in each of the towns. He tells RTÉ Radio that one positive is the fact flood defences in Mallow and Fermoy have done their job. He notes that some five feet of water has built up behind a flood barrier in Mallow and this indicates the damage that could have been done to the town.
South Galway bears the brunt of flooding in the west, with river gauges expected to rise further over the coming days. Overnight rainfall is not as heavy as anticipated in the west, but several properties succumb to the waters. Up to 30 families in the south Galway area are forced to stay with relatives, with several being accommodated in hotels by Galway County Council, as floodwaters cut off access routes to their homes.
In Mayo, the area around the Neale remains underwater and a number of minor roads and thousands of acres of farmland are also affected. With rain continuing to fall across the west, conditions are expected to remain critical over the next few days.
The N11 between Rosslare and Dublin, the N25 from Cork to Waterford, the N71 between Cork and Killarney and the N4 between Dublin and Sligo all have diversions in place. The N25 is closed overnight between Killeagh and Castlemartyr in County Cork due to flooding. The N71 Cork/Bandon Road is also closed overnight at the viaduct due to flooding. There is severe flooding on the N40 South Ring Rd. at J6 Kinsale, particularly on the westbound off-ramp. The N11 Dublin/Wexford Road is impassable through Enniscorthy and also at Kyle’s Cross near Oylegate. The N4 is closed eastbound at Ballynafid in County Westmeath due to flooding. There are also several road closures in Kerry, Waterford and Tipperary.
Midleton is also hit by severe flooding as water levels in the Owenacurra River rise dramatically with up to 30 families having to be evacuated from their homes. Macroom in mid-Cork is also flooded for the first time during the year. Bandon is put on red alert by Cork County Council’s early warning system. Traders and residents are told to take all measures necessary to protect their property and stock. Locals stay up all night preparing the town for the latest round of flooding. Nevertheless, some 20 businesses in Bandon are flooded for the second time in a month after waters start to come up shores and gutters in the town as water levels in the River Bandon rise overnight.
The River Slaney burst its banks in Enniscorthy, County Wexford, causing widespread flooding in the town. Several cars have to be abandoned. High tide in Enniscorthy occurs around 10:30 a.m. on December 30.
The ESB says the flow of water through Parteen Weir, which regulates water flow through Ardnacrusha power plant, will remain at 440 (cubic metres per second) on December 30 and that the situation will be reviewed again the following day. “The levels in Lough Derg may reach 2009 levels in the coming days and, as a result, the flow through Parteen Weir may increase to 2009 levels (up to 500 cumecs) in the coming days,” it says.
Clare County Council says water levels on the lower River Shannon at Springfield, Clonlara, have increased by 5-10cm in the last 24 hours and are some 20cm below a peak level recorded on December 13th. It says the Mulkear River in County Limerick, which enters the River Shannon south of Annacotty, is currently in flood and is contributing to increased water levels at Springfield. Council staff are assisted by the Fire Service and Defence Forces at Springfield in their pumping operations and transporting residents of some 12 homes isolated by floodwaters.
Fianna Fáil urges TaoiseachEnda Kenny to call an emergency Cabinet meeting to address the fallout from the storm. The party’s environment spokesman, Barry Cowen, says many communities felt neglected as further significant damage was inflicted on homes and businesses by the rainfall and winds brought by Storm Frank. “The scenes that we are witnessing in communities impacted by the latest storm are truly heart-breaking,” he says. “People feel neglected by the Government. It’s astonishing that the Taoiseach has decided not to interrupt his Christmas holidays in light of the devastation caused by Storm Frank.”
The Government’s National Coordination Group on Severe Weather meets in Dublin on December 30. Sinn FéinMEPLiadh Ní Riada says the Government has displayed “ineptitude in preparing flood defences” and that “more hollow promises” from the Coalition are no substitute for action. “The risk of flooding is increasing and will continue to increase. People across this island need to know that our political leaders have a plan to prevent this happening in the future,” she says.
(From: “Storm Frank causes floods, closes roads and cuts power to thousands” by Ronan McGreevy, Th Irish Times, http://www.irishtimes.com, December 30, 2015 | Pictured: Water flows through buildings and down the street in Graignamanagh, Co Kilkenny on Tuesday night by Paul B via Twitter)
Waterford is a Catholic city and like most other towns in southeast Ireland, the populace has supported the Confederate Catholic cause since the Irish Rebellion of 1641. Late in 1641, Protestant refugees, displaced by the insurgents, begin to arrive in the town, creating tension among the Catholic townspeople. The city’s mayor wants to protect the refugees, but the recorder and several of the aldermen on the city council want to strip them of their property and let in the rebels, who arrive outside the walls in early 1642. At first, the Mayor’s faction is successful in refusing to admit rebel forces, but by March 1642, the faction in the municipal government sympathetic to the rebellion prevails. The Protestants in Waterford are expelled, in most cases put on ships to England, sometimes after having their property looted by the city mob. In 1645, Confederate troops under Thomas Preston besiege and capture nearby Duncannon from its English garrison, thus removing the threat to shipping coming to and from Waterford.
Waterford’s political community is noted for its intransigent Catholic politics. In 1646, a synod of Catholic Bishops, based in Waterford, excommunicate any Catholic who supports a treaty between the Confederates and English Royalists, which does not allow for the free practice of the Catholic religion. The Confederates finally agree to a treaty with Charles I of England in 1648, in order to join forces with the Royalists against their common enemy, the English Parliament, which is both anti-Catholic and hostile to the King. The Parliamentarians land a major expeditionary force in Ireland at Dublin, under Cromwell in August 1649.
The English Parliamentarian New Model Army arrives to besiege Waterford in October 1649. One of the stated aims of Cromwell’s invasion of Ireland is to punish the Irish for the mistreatment of Protestants in 1641. Given Waterford’s history of partisan Catholic politics, this provokes great fear amongst the townspeople. This fear is accentuated by the fate of Drogheda and nearby Wexford which had recently been taken and sacked by Cromwell’s forces and their garrisons massacred.
Waterford is very important strategically in the war in Ireland. Its port allows for the importation of arms and supplies from continental Europe and its geographical position commands the entrance of the rivers Suir and Barrow.
Before besieging Waterford, Cromwell has to take the surrounding garrisons held by Royalist and Confederate troops in order to secure his lines of communication and supply. Duncannon, whose fort commands the sea passage into Waterford, is besieged by Parliamentarians under Ireton from October 15 to November 5. However, due to a stubborn defence, the garrison there under Edward Wogan holds out. This means that heavy siege artillery cannot be brought up to Waterford by sea.
New Ross surrenders to Cromwell on October 19 and Carrick-on-Suir is taken on November 19. A counterattack on Carrick by Irish troops from Ulster under a Major Geoghegan is repulsed on November 24, leaving 500 of the Ulstermen dead.
Having isolated Waterford from the east and north, Cromwell arrives before the city on November 24. However, Waterford still has access to reinforcements from the west and up to 3,000 Irish soldiers from the Confederate’s Ulster Army under Richard O’Farrell are fed into the city in the course of a week. O’Farrell, having been a successful officer in the Spanish Army, is highly trained and experienced in siege warfare from battles in Flanders. Cromwell has come up against a superior minded soldier and commander. The weather is extremely cold and wet, and the Parliamentarian troops suffer heavily from disease. Out of 6,500 English Parliamentarian soldiers who besiege Waterford in 1649, only 3,000 or so are still fit by the time the siege is called off. Added to this, Cromwell is able to make little headway in taking the city. The capture of a fort at Passage East enables him to bring up siege guns by sea, but the wet weather means that it is all but impossible to transport them close enough to Waterford’s walls to use them. Farrell proves tactically superior in defending Waterford and repels Cromwell’s attempts. Eventually Cromwell has to call off the siege on December 2 and go into winter quarters at Dungarvan. Among his casualties is his commander Michael Jones, who dies of disease.
O’Sullivan is a member of the Irish Republican Army and is one of three IRA men to die on hunger strike in 1923. IRA VolunteersJoseph Whitty from Wexford dies on September 2, 1923, and Denny Barry from Riverstick, County Cork, dies on November 20, 1923, in the Curragh Camp hospital. Whitty, Barry and O’Sullivan are three of the twenty-two Irish Republicans in the 20th century who die on hunger strike.
O’Sullivan is born in Denbawn, County Cavan, in 1882, the eldest of eight children. His father, Michael Sorohan, emigrates to the United States but returns to take over the family farm. O’Sullivan works on the family farm but wins a scholarship provided by the local newspaper, The Anglo-Celt, to Monaghan Agricultural College. From there he wins another scholarship to the Royal Albert College in Dublin and attends the college as a full-time student from 1907 to 1909. He graduates as one of the top students in his year and is also elected head of the student union, the highest elected position in the college. In addition, he is secretary of the college hurling team which is undefeated after fourteen games in 1909.
In 1909, O’Sullivan gets a job as an agricultural instructor in the Mallow area of County Cork. In addition to educating and advising local farmers on crops and new techniques, he also judges local agricultural shows.
O’Sullivan is a captain in the IRA in the intelligence unit during the Irish War of Independence. He begins his intelligence activities in 1917 using the code name W.N. – the last 2 letters of his first and last name.
During the Irish Civil War O’Sullivan is officer commanding (OC) Administration in the North Cork area and later in the IRA’s 1st Southern Cork Division, where he had been appointed by Liam Lynch. He dedicates his life to the establishment of an Irish Republic: “His ideal and his goal was a Republic, and he went straight ahead working to achieve it. Nothing else bothered him.” After the signing of the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, he joins the anti-treaty side during the Irish Civil War.
During the Irish Civil War, O’Sullivan is arrested by Free State forces and interned in Mountjoy Prison. In 1923, after the end of the war, thousands of interned Irish republicans protest being held without trial, poor prison conditions and being treated as convicts rather than political prisoners. On October 13, 1923, Michael Kilroy, the OC of the IRA prisoners in Mountjoy Prison, announces that 300 men will go on hunger strike. This action starts the 1923 Irish hunger strikes. Within days, thousands of Irish republican prisoners are on hunger strike in multiple prisons and internment camps across Ireland. The mass hunger strike of 1923 starts at midnight on October 14, 1923. Previously, the Free State government had passed a motion outlawing the release of prisoners on hunger strike. However, because of the large numbers of Republicans on strike, at the end of October, the Government sends a delegation to speak with the IRA leadership. On November 23, 1923, the day after o’Sullivan’s death, the 41-day hunger strike is called off, setting in motion a release program for many of the prisoners. However, some are not released until as late as 1932.
O’Sullivan dies at the age of 41 on November 22, 1923, in St. Bricin’s Military Hospital, Dublin, after 40 days on hunger strike. He is buried in the republican plot in Saint Gobnait’s Cemetery, Goulds Hill, Mallow, County Cork, on November 27, 1923. His funeral cortège is reported to be a mile in length.
O’Sullivan’s name is commemorated on a statue that stands outside Cavan Courthouse in Farnham Street, Cavan, County Cavan.
seamus dubhghaill 