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Birth of John Hume, Northern Ireland Nationalist Politician

John Hume KCSG, Irish nationalist politician from Northern Ireland, is born into a working-class Catholic family in Derry, County Londonderry, on January 18, 1937. He is widely regarded as one of the most important figures in the recent political history of Ireland and is credited as being the thinker behind many political developments in Northern Ireland, from the power sharing Sunningdale Agreement to the Anglo-Irish Agreement and the Good Friday Agreement. He wins the Nobel Peace Prize in 1998 alongside the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), David Trimble.

Hume is the eldest of seven children of Samuel Hume, a former soldier and shipyard worker, and Anne “Annie” (née Doherty), a seamstress. He has a mostly Irish Catholic background, though his surname derives from one of his great-grandfathers, a Scottish Presbyterian who migrated to County Donegal. He attends St. Columb’s College and goes on to St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth, the leading Catholic seminary in Ireland and a recognised college of the National University of Ireland, where he intends to study for the priesthood. Among his teachers is Tomás Ó Fiaich, the future cardinal and Primate of All Ireland.

Hume does not complete his clerical studies but does obtain an M.A. degree in French and history from the college in 1958. He then returns home to his native Derry, where he becomes a teacher at his alma mater, St. Columb’s College. He is a founding member of the Credit Union movement in the city and is chair of the University for Derry Committee in 1965, an unsuccessful fight to have Northern Ireland’s second university established in Derry in the mid-1960s.

Hume becomes the youngest ever President of the Irish League of Credit Unions at age 27. He serves in the role from 1964 to 1968. He once says that “all the things I’ve been doing, it’s the thing I’m proudest of because no movement has done more good for the people of Ireland, north and south, than the credit union movement.”

Hume becomes a leading figure in the civil rights movement in the late 1960s along with people such as Hugh Logue. He is a prominent figure in the Derry Citizens’ Action Committee. The DCAC is set up in the wake of the October 5, 1968, march through Derry which had caused much attention to be drawn towards the situation in Northern Ireland. The purpose of the DCAC is to make use of the publicity surrounding recent events to bring to light grievances in Derry that had been suppressed by the Unionist Government for years. The DCAC, unlike the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), is aimed specifically at a local campaign, improving the situation in Derry for everyone, and maintaining a peaceful stance. The committee also has a Stewards Association that is there to prevent any violence at marches or sit-downs.

Hume becomes an Independent Nationalist member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland in 1969 at the height of the civil rights campaign. He is elected to the Northern Ireland Assembly in 1973 and serves as Minister of Commerce in the short-lived power-sharing Executive in 1974. He stands unsuccessfully for the Westminster Parliament for the Londonderry constituency in October 1974, and is elected for Foyle in 1983.

In October 1971, Hume joins four Westminster MPs in a 48-hour hunger strike to protest at the internment without trial of hundreds of suspected Irish republicans. State papers that have been released under the 30-year rule that an Irish diplomat eight years later in 1979 believes Hume supported the return of internment.

In 1977, Hume challenges a regulation under the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922 which allows any soldier to disperse an assembly of three or more people. The Lord Chief Justice of Northern Ireland, Robert Lowry, holds that the regulation is ultra vires under Section 4 of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 which forbids the Parliament of Northern Ireland to make laws in respect of the army.

A founding member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), Hume succeeds Gerry Fitt as its leader in 1979. He also serves as one of Northern Ireland’s three Members of the European Parliament and serves on the faculty of Boston College, from which he receives an honorary degree in 1995.

Hume is directly involved in secret talks with the British government and Sinn Féin, in an effort to bring Sinn Féin to the discussion table openly. The talks are speculated to lead directly to the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985.

The vast majority of unionists reject the agreement and stage a massive and peaceful public rally in Belfast City Centre to demonstrate their distaste. Many Republicans and nationalists also reject it, as they see it as not going far enough. Hume, however, continues dialogue with both governments and Sinn Féin. The “Hume–Adams process” eventually delivers the 1994 Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire which ultimately provides the relatively peaceful backdrop against which the Good Friday agreement is brokered.

On February 4, 2004, Hume announces his complete retirement from politics and is succeeded by Mark Durkan as SDLP leader. He does not contest the 2004 European Parliament election where his seat is won by Bairbre de Brún of Sinn Féin, nor does he run in the 2005 United Kingdom general election, in which Mark Durkan retains the Foyle constituency for the SDLP.

Hume and his wife, Pat, continue to be active in promoting European integration, issues around global poverty and the Credit Union movement. He is also a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which campaigns for democratic reformation of the United Nations.

In 2015, Hume is diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, of which he had first displayed symptoms in the late 1990s. He dies in the early hours of August 3, 2020, at a nursing home in Derry, at the age of 83. On his death, former Labour Party leader and prime minister Tony Blair says, “John Hume was a political titan; a visionary who refused to believe the future had to be the same as the past.” The Dalai Lama says on Twitter, “John Hume’s deep conviction in the power of dialogue and negotiations to resolve conflict was unwavering… It was his leadership and his faith in the power of negotiations that enabled the 1998 Good Friday Agreement to be reached. His steady persistence set an example for us all to follow.”

(Pictured: John Hume with U.S. President Bill Clinton in 1995)


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Proportional Representation Used in Ireland for the First Time

Proportional Representation (PR), specifically the Single Transferable Vote (STV), is used in Ireland for the first time in the local elections on January 15, 1920.

The STV, sometimes known as Proportional Ranked Choice Voting (P-RCV), is a multi-winner electoral system in which each voter casts a single vote in the form of a ranked-choice ballot. Voters have the option to rank candidates, and their vote may be transferred according to alternate preferences if their preferred candidate is eliminated or elected with surplus votes, so that their vote is used to elect someone they prefer over others in the running. STV aims to approach Proportional Representation based on votes cast in the district where it is used, so that each vote is worth about the same as another. Formally, STV satisfies a fairness criterion known as proportionality for solid coalitions.

Under STV, no one party or voting bloc can take all the seats in a district unless the number of seats in the district is very small or almost all the votes cast are cast for one party’s candidates, which is seldom the case. This makes it different from other district voting systems. In majoritarian or plurality systems – such as first-past-the-post (FPTP), instant-runoff voting (IRV; also known as the alternative vote), block voting, and ranked-vote block voting – one party or voting bloc can take all the seats in a district.

The key to STV’s approximation of proportionality is that each voter effectively only casts a single vote in a district contest electing multiple winners, while the ranked ballots (and sufficiently large districts) allow the results to approach proportionality. The use of a quota means that, for the most part, each successful candidate is elected with the same number of votes. This equality produces fairness – a party taking twice the votes than another party will take twice the seats compared to that other party.

Under STV, multiple winners are selected for a constituency (a multi-member district). Every sizeable group within the district wins at least one seat: the more seats the district has, the smaller the size of the group needed to elect a member. In this way, STV provides approximately proportional representation, ensuring that substantial minority factions have some representation.

STV is distinguished from plurality voting systems, like FPTP, plurality block voting and the single non-transferable vote (SNTV) by the fact that votes are transferable under STV but are not under the other systems. STV reduces the number of “wasted” votes, votes which are cast for unsuccessful candidates by electing multiple representatives for a district. Additionally, surplus votes collected by successful candidates are transferred to aid other candidates, preventing waste caused by successful candidates receiving votes over and above those actually needed to secure the seat.

An important characteristic of STV is that it enables votes to be cast for individual candidates rather than for parties. Party lists are therefore not needed, as opposed to many other proportional electoral systems). It is the voters who create their own ordered list of candidates. The ranked voting also allows voters to form consensus behind the most popular candidates.

In the 1921 Northern Ireland general elections, when PR is used, every seat is contested. However, after Northern Ireland reverts to the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, numerous seats go uncontested by nationalists who know they have no chance of winning seats. In the 1933 Northern Ireland general election, fought under the British first-past-the-post system, only 19 of 52 seats are contested. Gerrymandered voting districts plus first-past-the-post see Unionists gain 36 of 52 seats in the election. This can be contrasted with the 1920 Irish local elections when Sinn Féin wins control of 10 of 12 urban councils.


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Death of Arthur Armstrong, Northern Irish Painter

Arthur Armstrong, painter who often works in a Cubist style and produces landscape and still life works, dies in Dublin on January 13, 1996.

Armstrong is born on January 12, 1924, at Carrickfergus, County Antrim, Northern Ireland, one of three sons among six children of James Charlton Armstrong, housepainter and decorator, and his wife Margaret (née Howard). Soon after his birth the family moves to Belfast. He attends Strandtown Primary School. He attends Queen’s University Belfast (QUB) in the early 1940s, where he initially studies political science and later architecture. Having an interest in art, which had been fostered by his father, he takes classes for a short time in the early 1940s at the Belfast School of Art. It is there he meets Gerard Dillon, who introduces him to George Campbell and Daniel O’Neill. He is largely self-taught as an artist. It is his close association with Dillon and Campbell, both some years his senior, that proves to be the most important factor in his development. In Belfast in the early 1940s they associate with the Russian artist Daniel Nietzche, who emphasises to them the importance of personal expression.

After leaving university Armstrong works at the Belfast Gas Office. At this point he is the main support for his widowed mother. Having saved some money, he leaves his job in 1946 to attempt to fulfil his ambition to paint full-time, producing a set of etchings with George Campbell, which are published by Walsh Studios. The following year he takes work as a designer for Ulster Laces in Portadown, County Armagh. In 1957, he leaves for London in the hopes of finding greater opportunities as an artist. His friends Campbell and Dillon are already living there, and he takes lodgings with Dillon’s sister at Abbey Road, north London. Though he continues to paint, he is unable to earn a living and so again has to take other work, this time in a Labour Exchange office. However, he is beginning to gain recognition. In 1957, he is awarded a traveling scholarship by the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), which enables him to travel to Spain. He continues to visit Spain throughout the 1960s, often to see Campbell, who spends much time there.

In 1961 he has his first solo exhibition at the CEMA gallery in Belfast. He comes to live in Dublin in 1962, his work having already been exhibited there at the Irish Exhibition of Living Art in 1957 and 1958. He continues to exhibit there annually from 1961 to 1965. During the 1960s and early 1970s his work is regularly included in the Oireachtas exhibition, at which he is awarded the Douglas Hyde Gold Medal in 1968. He also shows his work with the Ritchie Hendriks Gallery and the Tom Caldwell Gallery in Dublin. Ultimately, he is to have over seventy solo exhibitions throughout his career. By 1969, when he is elected an associate member of the Royal Hibernian Academy (RHA), he has established himself as one of the leading landscape painters in Ireland. In 1972 he becomes a full member of the RHA. He exhibits there regularly until 1977.

It is during this period that some of Armstrong’s best work is produced. While landscape is his predominant theme, he never sees himself as a painter of particular views, rather he responds to the abstract qualities of a scene. He sees elements such as the sea, rocks or sky as a series of interlocking textures to be rendered expressively in oil paint. The western coastline of Ireland is a vital source of inspiration for him. Roundstone, County Galway, is a favoured base for painting trips in the company of Dillon and Campbell, who by this time are also living in Dublin.

In 1981, a retrospective exhibition of Armstrong’s work is organised by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland. He is represented in many major public and corporate collections in Ireland. From 1971 he lives at 28 Chelmsford Avenue, Ranelagh, Dublin, in a house he shares with Gerard Dillon.

Armstrong dies unmarried on January 13, 1996, in Dublin. The contents of his studio are sold on February 3, 1998.

(From: “Armstrong, Arthur” by Rebecca Minch, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009, revised November 2013 | Pictured: “Near Ballyhubbock,” oil on board by Arthur Armstrong RHA)


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The 23rd Government of Ireland is Formed

The 23rd Government of Ireland is formed on January 12, 1993, following the 1992 Irish general election to the 27th Dáil held on November 25, 1992. It is a coalition of Fianna Fáil, with leader Albert Reynolds as Taoiseach, and the Labour Party, with leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. It is the first time that these two parties are in government together. On each previous occasion Labour was in government, it was a junior coalition party with Fine Gael. The government lasts for 675 days from its appointment until its resignation on November 17, 1994, and continues to carry out its duties for an additional 28 days until the appointment of its successor, giving a total of 703 days.

The 27th Dáil lasts until 1997, but the first government falls in 1994 following the breakdown of relations between the two parties. It is succeeded in December 1994 by the 24th Government, a coalition of Fine Gael, with leader John Bruton as Taoiseach, Labour, with Dick Spring serving again as Tánaiste, and Democratic Left, led by Proinsias De Rossa. This is the only time a government with a new coalition of parties is formed within a single Dáil term.

The 27th Dáil first meets on December 14, 1992. In the debate on the nomination of Taoiseach, Fianna Fáil leader and outgoing Taoiseach Albert Reynolds, Fine Gael leader John Bruton and Labour Party leader Dick Spring are each proposed. None of these proposals are passed by the Dáil: Reynolds receives 68 votes in favour with 94 against, Bruton receives 55 in favour to 107 against, and Spring receives 39 in favour to 122 against. Reynolds resigns as Taoiseach and continues in a caretaker capacity.

On January 12, 1993, Albert Reynolds and John Bruton are again proposed for the nomination of the Dáil for the position of Taoiseach, and on this occasion, the nomination of Reynolds is successful by 102 votes to 60. Reynolds is then appointed as Taoiseach by President Mary Robinson.

After his appointment as Taoiseach by the president, Reynolds proposes the members of the government, and they are approved by the Dáil. They are appointed by the president on the same day.

Harry Whelehan SC is appointed by the president as Attorney General on the nomination of the Taoiseach. He resigns as Attorney General on November 11, 1994, on his nomination as President of the High Court, a position he serves in for only two days. Following Whelehan’s resignation, Eoghan Fitzsimons SC is appointed by the president as Attorney General on the nomination of the Taoiseach.

The Government on the nomination of the Taoiseach appoints Noel Dempsey to the post of Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach with special responsibility as Government Chief Whip. The Government on the nomination of the Taoiseach appoints the other Ministers of State as well.

After the sum of European Structural and Investment Funds allocated to Ireland is lower than previously announced, a motion of no confidence is proposed in the government. This is then debated on October 28, 1993, as a motion of confidence in the government, proposed by the Taoiseach. It is approved by a vote of 94 to 55.

In November 1994, following the resignation of Attorney General Harry Whelehan, it emerges that he had failed to expedite the extradition of Fr. Brendan Smyth to Northern Ireland for sexual offences committed against children. The appointment of Whelehan to the court despite this leads to a motion of no confidence in the government. Reynolds responds on November 16 by proposing a motion reaffirming the confidence of the Dáil in the Taoiseach and the Government.

On the following day, November 17, Labour withdraws from the government and Reynolds resigns as Taoiseach. The motion of confidence in the government is withdrawn. Reynolds and the Fianna Fáil ministers continue to carry on their duties until their successors are appointed on December 15.


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Birth of Michelle O’Neill, Vice President of Sinn Féin

Michelle O’Neill (née Doris), Irish politician who serves as deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland between 2020 and 2022, is born in Fermoy, County Cork, Republic of Ireland, on January 10, 1977. She has been serving as Vice President of Sinn Féin since 2018 and is the Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for Mid Ulster since 2007.

O’Neill comes from an Irish republican family in Clonoe, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. Her father, Brendan Doris, was a Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner and Sinn Féin councillor. Her uncle, Paul Doris, is a former national president of the Irish Northern Aid Committee (NORAID). A cousin, Tony Doris, was one of three IRA members killed by the British Army‘s Special Air Service (SAS) in the Coagh ambush in 1991. Another cousin, IRA volunteer Gareth Malachy Doris, was shot and wounded during the 1997 Coalisland attack.

After the death of Brendan Doris in 2006, Martin McGuinness pays tribute to the Doris family as “a well-known and respected republican family [who] have played a significant role in the republican struggle for many years.”

O’Neill attends St. Patrick’s Girls’ Academy, a Catholic grammar school in Dungannon, County Tyrone. She subsequently begins to train as an accounting technician, before pursuing a political career.

O’Neill becomes involved in republican politics in her teens, assisting her father with constituency work in his role as a Dungannon councillor. She joins Sinn Féin after the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, at the age of 21, and starts working as an advisor to Francie Molloy in the Northern Ireland Assembly, holding this role until 2005.

O’Neill serves on the Dungannon and South Tyrone Borough Council from 2005 to 2011. She serves as the first female Mayor of Dungannon and South Tyrone from 2010 to 2011. In the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election she is elected to represent Mid Ulster in the Northern Ireland Assembly. In 2011, she is appointed to the Northern Ireland Executive by deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness as Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development. In 2016, she is promoted to Minister of Health. In January 2020, she becomes deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland after the New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) agreement restores the power sharing executive.

O’Neill automatically relinquishes her office following Paul Givan‘s resignation as first minister on February 3, 2022. Sinn Féin becomes the largest party after the 2022 Northern Ireland Assembly election, putting O’Neill in line to become the First Minister of Northern Ireland, and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader to become the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland. However, she remains to be officially sworn in as First Minister because, as part of its opposition to the Northern Ireland Protocol, the DUP has refused to nominate a deputy First minister and there is therefore no functioning executive of Northern Ireland.

In August 2022, O’Neill is asked in a BBC interview whether it was right during the Troubles for the Provisional IRA “to engage in violent resistance to British rule.” She is criticised for her response, “I think at the time there was no alternative, but now thankfully we have an alternative to conflict, and that is the Good Friday Agreement – that is why it’s so precious to us all.”

In May 2023, O’Neill attends the coronation of King Charles, saying, “Well obviously I wanted to be here. We live in changing times, and it was the respectful thing to do, to show respect and to be here for all those people at home, who I had said I would be a first minister for all. Attendance here is about honouring that and fulfilling my promise.”

Under O’Neill’s leadership, Sinn Fein has led most opinion polls for the next United Kingdom general election.


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Death of Seán MacEntee, Fianna Fáil Politician

Seán Francis MacEntee (Irish: Seán Mac an tSaoi), Fianna Fáil politician, dies on January 9, 1984, in Booterstown, Dublin. He serves as Tánaiste (1959-65), Minister for Social Welfare (1957-61), Minister for Health (1957-65), Minister for Local Government and Public Health (1941-48), Minister for Industry and Commerce (1939-41), and Minister for Finance (1932-39 and 1951-54). He serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1918 to 1969. At the time of his death, he is the last surviving member of the First Dáil.

MacEntee is born as John McEntee at 47 King Street, Belfast, on August 23, 1889, the son of James McEntee, a publican, and his wife, Mary Owens, both of whom are from Monaghan. James McEntee is a prominent Nationalist member of Belfast Corporation and a close friend of Joseph Devlin MP.

MacEntee is educated at St. Mary’s Christian Brothers’ Grammar School, St. Malachy’s College and the Belfast Municipal College of Technology where he qualifies as an electrical engineer. His early political involvement is with the Irish Socialist Republican Party in Belfast. He quickly rises through the ranks of the trade union movement becoming junior representative in the city’s shipyards. Following his education, he works as an engineer in Dundalk, County Louth, and is involved in the establishment of a local corps of the Irish Volunteers in the town. He mobilises in Dundalk and fights in the General Post Office garrison in the Easter Rising in 1916. He is sentenced to death for his part in the rising. This sentence is later commuted to life imprisonment. He is released in the general amnesty in 1917 and is later elected a member of the National Executives of both Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers in October 1917. He is later elected Sinn Féin Member of Parliament (MP) for South Monaghan at the 1918 Irish general election.

An attempt to develop MacEntee’s career as a consulting engineer in Belfast is interrupted by the Irish War of Independence in 1919. He serves as Vice-Commandant of the Belfast Brigade of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). He is also a member of the Volunteer Executive, a sort of Cabinet and Directory for the Minister for Defence and the HQ Staff, however, he remains one of the few Sinn Féiners from the north. On August 6, 1920, he presents ‘a Memorial’ lecture to the Dáil from the Belfast Corporation. He tells the Dáil it is the only custodian of public order, that a Nationalist pogrom is taking place, and he advises them to fight Belfast. The Dáil government’s policy is dubbed Hibernia Irredenta or “Greening Ireland.” He is asked to resign his South Monaghan seat after voting against a bunting celebration in Lurgan to mark the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty.

In April 1921 MacEntee is transferred to Dublin to direct a special anti-partition campaign in connection with the May general election. It remains Michael Collins‘s policy, he declares, that the largely Protestant shipyard workers of Belfast are being directed by the British, urging all Irishmen to rejoin the Republic. Correspondingly the Ulster Unionist Council rejects the call for a review of the boundary commission decision made on Northern Ireland. But when Ulstermen choose James Craig as Premier, Collins denounces democracy in the north as a sham. It is on the partition of Ireland issue that MacEntee votes against the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. During the subsequent Irish Civil War, he commands the IRA unit in Marlboro Street Post Office in Dublin. He later fights with Cathal Brugha in the Hamman Hotel and is subsequently interned in Kilmainham and Gormanstown until December 1923.

After his release from prison, MacEntee devotes himself more fully to his engineering practice, although he unsuccessfully contests the Dublin County by-election of 1924. He becomes a founder-member of Fianna Fáil in 1926 and is eventually elected a TD for Dublin County at the June 1927 Irish general election.

MacEntee founds the Association of Patent Agents in 1929, having gained his interest in Patents when he worked as an assistant engineer in Dundalk Urban District Council. He values his status as a Patent Agent as he maintains his name on the Register for over 30 years while he holds Ministerial rank in the Irish Government, although he is not believed to have taken any active part in the patent business, which is carried on by his business partners.

In 1932, Fianna Fáil comes to power for the very first time, with MacEntee becoming Minister for Finance. In keeping with the party’s protectionist economic policies his first budget in March of that year sees the introduction of new duties on 43 imports, many of them coming from Britain. This sees retaliation from the British government, which in turn provokes a response from the Irish government. This is the beginning of the Anglo-Irish Trade War between the two nations, however, a treaty in 1938, signed by MacEntee and other senior members brings an end to the issue.

In 1939, World War II breaks out and a cabinet reshuffle results in MacEntee being appointed as Minister for Industry and Commerce, taking over from his rival Seán Lemass. During his tenure at this department, he introduces the important Trade Union Act (1941). In 1941, another reshuffle of ministers takes place, with him becoming Minister for Local Government and Public Health. The Health portfolio is transferred to a new Department of Health in 1947. Following the 1948 Irish general election, Fianna Fáil returns to the opposition benches for the first time in sixteen years.

In 1951, Fianna Fáil are back in government, although in minority status, depending on independent deputies for survival. MacEntee once again returns to the position of Minister for Finance where he feels it is vital to deal with the balance of payments deficit. He brings in a harsh budget in 1951 which raises income tax and tariffs on imports. His chief aim is to cut spending and reduce imports, however, this comes at a cost as unemployment increases sharply. The increases are retained in his next two budgets in 1952 and 1953. It is often said that it is his performance during this period that costs Fianna Fáil the general election in 1954. The poor grasp on economics also does his political career tremendous damage as up to that point he is seen as a likely successor as Taoiseach. Seán Lemass, however, is now firmly seen as the “heir apparent.”

In 1957, Fianna Fáil returns to power with an overall majority with MacEntee being appointed Minister for Health. The financial and economic portfolios are dominated by Lemass and other like-minded ministers who want to move away from protection to free trade. He is credited during this period with the reorganisation of the health services, the establishment of separate departments of health and social welfare, and the fluoridation of water supplies in Ireland. In 1959, he becomes Tánaiste when Seán Lemass is elected Taoiseach.

Following the 1965 Irish general election, MacEntee is 76 years old and retires from the government. He re-emerges in 1966 to launch a verbal attack on Seán Lemass for deciding to step down as party leader and Taoiseach. The two men, however, patch up their differences shortly afterwards. MacEntee retires from Dáil Éireann in 1969 at the age of 80, making him the oldest TD in Irish history.

MacEntee dies in Dublin on January 9, 1984, at the age of 94. He is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin.


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Birth of Irish Broadcaster George Hamilton

Irish broadcaster George Hamilton is born in Belfast, Northern Ireland, on January 2, 1950. He is best known as the chief football commentator for RTÉ, for which he also commentates on other sporting events, such as the Olympic Games. He presents a classical music programme on RTÉ lyric fm on Saturdays and Sundays called The Hamilton Scores.

Hamilton is christened in the same Presbyterian church as George Best. His father Jimmy plays for Cliftonville F.C., but he is a Glentoran F.C. “superfan.”

While a student at Methodist College Belfast, Hamilton is, for a time, principal cellist with the school orchestra. He then studies German and French at Queen’s University Belfast.

Hamilton begins his commentary career with BBC Sport, before joining RTÉ eight years later in 1984. He had previously worked for RTÉ during the 1978 FIFA World Cup. Since 2003, he works for RTÉ lyric fm, Ireland’s classical radio station, on Saturday mornings. For many years, he fronts a popular weekly quiz show on RTÉ, Know Your Sport, alongside fellow commentator Jimmy Magee.

Hamilton is chief commentator for RTÉ Sport‘s coverage of the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa, the ninth one in which he has been involved. He is RTÉ’s chief commentator at UEFA Euro 2012 and commentates on all of Ireland’s matches in the competition. He is involved in the coverage of the Olympic Games since the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow.

Hamilton is known for his use of colourful phrases and memorable quotes when commentating on games, his phrase describing David O’Leary‘s penalty against Romania in the 1990 FIFA World Cup, “The nation holds its breath,” is used for a book of Irish football quotations, compiled by Eoghan Corry, for which Hamilton writes the foreword.

The sports humour website, DangerHere.com, takes its title from another quote by Hamilton: “And Bonner has gone 165 minutes of these championships without conceding a goal. Oh, danger here…”

On August 16, 2011, Hamilton feels unwell and has a suspected heart attack. He later has several hours of emergency bypass surgery at the Blackrock Clinic in Dublin after being transferred from St. Vincent’s University Hospital. He recovers and resumes both his commentating and radio show.


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Founding of Córas Iompair Éireann

Córas Iompair Éireann (Irish for Irish Transport Company), or CIÉ, a statutory corporation of Ireland, is founded on January 1, 1945. CIÉ is answerable to the Irish Government and responsible for most public transport within the Republic of Ireland and jointly with its Northern Ireland counterpart, the Northern Ireland Transport Holding Company for the railway service between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The company is headquartered at Heuston Station, Dublin. Its members are appointed by the Minister for Transport.

Córas Iompair Éireann is formed as a private company by the Transport Act 1944 and incorporates the Great Southern Railways Company and Dublin United Transport Company, initially adopting the logo of the latter company. Great Southern Railways (GSR) is incorporated in 1925, having been Great Southern Railway since 1924. Essentially the GSR becomes – especially as it starts to broaden its business interests into road transport – a monopoly transport operator. The Transport Act 1950 amalgamates CIÉ and the Grand Canal Company and formally nationalises CIÉ, changing its structure from that of a private limited company to a corporation under a board appointed by the Minister for Transport. The Northern Ireland Great Northern Railway Act, 1958 transfers the lines of Great Northern Railway Board south of the border to CIÉ. Until 1986 CIÉ operates as a single legal entity, although it is internally organised into rail services and two bus divisions – Dublin City Services and Provincial Services. The vast majority of services are branded CIÉ, although long-distance provincial buses are branded “Expressway” and Dublin electric trains DART. In 1987, CIÉ reorganises into a holding company and three operating companies. In 1990 it sells its nine Great Southern Hotels, including its hotel in Derry, Northern Ireland, to Aer Rianta, the airports authority.

Since the enactment of the Transport (Re-organisation of Córas Iompair Éireann) Act, 1986 CIÉ has been the holding company for Bus Éireann, Dublin Bus and Iarnród Éireann/Irish Rail, the three largest internal transport companies in Ireland. It was originally to have operated the Luas tram system in Dublin, but that project was transferred to the newly created Railway Procurement Agency.

CIÉ is responsible for the overall strategy of the group. It owns all fixed assets used by the three companies, such as railway lines and stations, the latter being dealt with through the Group Property division. It also operates an international tour division, CIÉ Tours International. CIÉ’s vast number of advertising sites are organised through Commuter Advertising Network (CAN), since the mid-1990s employing an external company (currently Exterion Media Ireland) to manage them. There are also a number of shared services provided by CIÉ to its three operating companies.

Other than in the railway sector CIÉ is not a monopoly provider of public transport services as a number of other operators exist. However, under the Transport Act, 1932, these may not compete directly on any route for which CIÉ has been granted a licence. Legislation is enacted in 2013 to provide for the tendering of 10% of routes operated by Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann. This public competition includes these two operators, along with private operators such as Go-Ahead Ireland, and is completed in January 2019.

(Pictured: “The Broken Wheel” logo introduced in 1964 and modernised in 2000)


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Birth of Composer Ian Wilson

Irish composer Ian Wilson is born in Belfast, Northern Ireland, on December 26, 1964. He has written over one hundred and fifty works, including chamber operas, concertos, string quartets, a range of orchestral and chamber music and multi-media pieces.

Wilson studies violin and piano, graduating with a Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil) in composition from Ulster University at Jordanstown in 1990, where he is a research fellow from 2000 to 2003. He is a composer-in-residence with Leitrim County Council and is music director of the Sligo New Music Festival from 2003 to 2011. He receives the Macaulay Fellowship from the Arts Council of Ireland in 1992. In 1998, he is elected to Aosdána, Ireland’s academy of creative artists. Since 2009, he has been a post-doctoral research fellow at Dundalk Institute of Technology, investigating aspects of traditional (ethnic) Irish performance practice as basis for new works of art music.

Wilson’s compositions have been performed and broadcast on six continents, and presented at festivals including the BBC Proms, Venice Biennale, ISCM World Music Days, Frankfort Book Fair and the Ultima Oslo Contemporary Music Festival and at venues such as New York City’s Carnegie Hall, London’s Royal Albert Hall and Wigmore Hall, Amsterdam’s Royal Concertgebouw and Muziekgebouw aan ‘t IJ, Vienna’s Wiener Musikverein and Tokyo’s Suntory Hall. His music has been performed by such diverse groups as the RTÉ National Symphony Orchestra, the London Mozart Players, the Irish Chamber Orchestra (ICO), the pianist Hugh Tinney and many others.

There are commercially available recordings of over fifty of Wilson’s works on labels including Diatribe Records, Riverrun, RTÉ Lyric fm, Black Box, Timbre, Guild, Meridian and Chandos Records. His music is published by Ricordi (London) and Universal Edition.


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The 1973 Westminster Bombing

The 1973 Westminster bombing is a car bomb that explodes at about 8:50 a.m. on Thorney Street, off Horseferry Road, in Millbank, London, on December 18, 1973.

The explosion injures up to 60 people. The bomb is planted in a car, which is known to have been stolen in London the previous night. It is parked outside Horseferry House, a building occupied by the Home Office, and opposite Thames House, which is mainly occupied by the Department of Trade and Industry, when it explodes. Both buildings, and others nearby, are extensively damaged.

Two warnings are given prior to the bombing. The first is by means of an anonymous telephone call to the offices of The Evening News at 8:22 a.m. The caller says that there is a bomb in Horseferry Road and Marshall Street and that these streets should be cleared immediately. It is presumed that the caller must have meant Marsham Street and not Marshall Street. The police are informed and start their search in these streets. While the search is in progress there, the bomb explodes in Thorney Street.

The second warning, also anonymous, is received by the telephone operator in Horseferry House at 8:45 a.m., saying that there is a car bomb outside, timed to explode in half an hour. Precautionary action is being taken when the bomb explodes only about five minutes later.

The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) claims responsibility for the attack, which is assumed to be in retaliation for the jailing of the Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade members who bombed the Old Bailey earlier in the year. The day before the Westminster bombing, the IRA sends two parcel bombs that target two politicians.

The Westminster bombing is one of many IRA car bombings in Northern Ireland and England during the almost 30-year conflict in Northern Ireland known as the Troubles.

In the week following the Westminster car bombing, several more IRA bombs explode in London. On December 19, the day after the Westminster bombing, one person is injured when an IRA letter bomb explodes at a London postal sorting office. Five days later, on Christmas Eve 1973, the IRA bombs two London pubs, first the North Star public house, where six people are injured, and secondly at the Swiss Cottage Tavern, in which an unspecified number of people are injured. The last bombs explode on Boxing Day, December 26, 1973, when the Stage Door public house is bombed, injuring one person, and another bomb explodes at the Sloane Square tube station where there are no injuries.