seamus dubhghaill

Promoting Irish Culture and History from Little Rock, Arkansas, USA

Category Archives: Politics & Government


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Death of Laurence Ginnell, Politician, Lawyer & Member of Parliament

Laurence Ginnell, Irish nationalist politician, lawyer and Member of Parliament (MP) of the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, dies in the United States on April 17, 1923. He serves as member of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) for North Westmeath at the 1906 United Kingdom general election. From 1910 he sits as an Independent Nationalist and at the 1918 United Kingdom general election in Ireland he is elected for Sinn Féin.

Ginnell is born in Delvin, County Westmeath, in 1852, (baptised April 9, 1852) the son of Laurence Ginnell and Mary Monaghan and twin to Michael Ginnell. He is self-educated and is called to the Irish bar as well as the Bar of England and Wales. In his youth, he is involved with the Land War and acts as private secretary to John Dillon.

The last great social and agrarian campaign of the Irish home rule movement, the Ranch War (1906 and 1909), is largely led and organised by Ginnell from the central office of the United Irish League. He is elected an MP in 1906, takes his seat at Westminster and swears allegiance to Edward VII. On October 14, 1906, he launches the “war” at Downs, County Westmeath.

The purpose of the war is to bring relief to the large numbers of landless and smallholders, particularly in the West, who are relatively untouched by the Wyndham Land Act (1903) and by the larger policy of purchase. The strategy that Ginnell pursues is the Down’s Policy, or cattle driving, a proceeding designed to harass the prosperous grazier interests, whose “ranches” occupy large, under populated and under worked tracts. The Down’s Policy is also meant to draw public attention to the scandalous inequalities that survive in the Irish countryside. The conservatives within the home rule leadership are understandably suspicious about the revival of agrarian disturbances, but the mood of the party organisation is hardening in the aftermath of a disappointing devolution bill in May 1907, from the new Liberal government, so that it seems logical to turn to the traditional mechanism for reactivating the national question: agrarian agitation.

Ginnell’s cattle drives begin to tail off after the summer of 1908, and the agitation is finally dissolved with the passage of a 1909 Act by the Liberal Chief Secretary Augustine Birrell that allows the transfer to the Irish Land Commission of farmland by compulsory purchase, which is hailed by the national movement as an historic victory. In reality, the Ranch War involves an implosion within sectors of the Irish Parliamentary Party, as its leadership has not facilitated the working of the Wyndham Land Act in the first place because John Dillon and his like want conflict above victory.

In 1909, Ginnell is expelled from the Irish Parliamentary Party for the offence of asking to see the party accounts after which he sits as an Independent Nationalist. During this time, he is addressed frequently as “The MP for Ireland.” At Westminster, he is highly critical of the British government‘s war policy and its holding of executions of certain participants in the Easter Rising of 1916. On May 9, he accuses British Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, of “Murder” and is forcibly ejected from the Chamber. He visits many of the prisoners who are interned in various prisons in Wales and England.

In 1917, Ginnell campaigns to try to ensure the election of George Noble Plunkett in the North Roscommon by-election in which he defeats the IPP candidate on an abstentionist platform. Following the victory of Éamon de Valera in East Clare, while he is standing for Sinn Féin, on July 10, 1917, Ginnell joins Sinn Féin.

At the Sinn Féin ardfheis in 1917, at which the party is reconstituted as a republican party with de Valera as president, Ginnell and W. T. Cosgrave are elected Honorary Treasurers. He is imprisoned in March 1918 for encouraging land agitation and later deported to Reading Gaol. In the 1918 United Kingdom general election, he is elected as a Sinn Féin MP for the Westmeath constituency by comfortably defeating his IPP challenger. After his release from prison, he attends the proceedings of the First Dáil. Along with fellow TD James O’Mara, he is one of the only TDs to serve as a member in both the House of Commons and Dáil Éireann.

He is one of the few people to have served in the House of Commons and in the Oireachtas. He is appointed Director of Propaganda in the Second Ministry of the Irish Republic. After spending a year as a republican campaigner in Chicago, he is appointed the Representative of the Irish Republic in Argentina and South America by de Valera. He carries out his propaganda work here to distribute copies of the Irish Bulletin and to provide the Sinn Féin version of the conflict during the Irish War of Independence. On August 16, 1921, he returns home to attend the first meeting of the Second Dáil. He travels back to Argentina some months later to serve as the Representative of the Republic there.

Ginnell opposes the Anglo-Irish Treaty that is ratified by the Dáil in January 1922, and is elected as an anti-Treaty Sinn Féin TD at the 1922 Irish general election on the eve of the Irish Civil War.

On September 9, 1922, Ginnell is the only anti-Treaty TD to attend the inaugural meeting of the Provisional Parliament or Third Dáil. Before signing the roll, he says, “I want some explanation before I sign. I have been elected in pursuance of a decree by Dáil Éireann, which decree embodies the decree of May 20, 1922. I have heard nothing read in reference to that decree, nothing but an Act of a foreign Parliament. I have been elected as a member of Dáil Éireann. I have not been elected to attend any such Parliament. Will anyone tell me with authority whether it is…”.

Ginnell is at this point interrupted but resumes by saying that he will sign the roll and take his seat in the Assembly if the Assembly is Dáil Éireann. He is informed he is not allowed raise any such question until a Ceann Comhairle has been elected. He continues to ask questions regardless to which he gets no answer including his question: “Will any member of the Six Counties be allowed to sit in this Dáil?” W. T. Cosgrave moves at this point that he be excluded from the House. Ginnell protests, and he is dragged out by force.

De Valera later appoints Ginnell a member of his “Council of State,” a twelve-member body set up to advise him on the deteriorating situation in the civil war. He returns to the United States soon afterward to serve as the Republic‘s envoy in the country. He orders Robert Briscoe and some of his friends to take possession of the Consular Offices in Nassau Street, New York City, then in the hands of the Irish Free State Government, to obtain the list of the subscribers to the bond drive organized to aid the struggle in the War of Independence. At the time, a court case is ongoing to decide on who has the right to the funds: the newly installed Provisional Government or de Valera, as one of the three trustees among the anti-Treatyites.

Ginnell dies in Washington, D.C. on April 17, 1923, at the age of 71, still campaigning against the Anglo-Irish Treaty.


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Founding of the Repeal Association

On April 15, 1840, Daniel O’Connell forms the Loyal National Repeal Association (commonly referred to as the Repeal Association), an Irish political party formed to campaign for the repeal of the Acts of Union of 1800 between Great Britain and Ireland.

The Association seeks to restore the Parliament of Ireland and achieve the level of legislative independence briefly attained in the 1780s under Henry Grattan and his Irish Patriot Party, with the addition of Catholic emancipation, made possible by the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, and the expanded franchise of the Representation of the People (Ireland) Act 1832, in addition to responsible government, making Ireland a separate kingdom in a personal union with Great Britain on equal footing. It advocates a peaceful and constitutional path to repeal while maintaining loyalty to the British Crown.

Although O’Connell begins calling for repeal in the early 1830s, the formal Association is only established in 1840. Prior to this, candidates supporting repeal contest the 1832 United Kingdom general election and between 1835 and 1841, form an electoral pact with the Whigs. Repealer candidates, unaffiliated with the Whigs also contest the 1841 and 1847 general elections. 

Following the movement’s decline in the late 1840s, nationalists, including members of the Young Ireland movement, emerge from its ranks.


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Hunger Striker Bobby Sands Wins Seat in the British Parliament

On April 9, 1981, imprisoned Irish Republican Army (IRA) hunger striker Bobby Sands is elected to the Parliament of the United Kingdom as the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone.

Sands stands as a candidate of the “Anti-H Block” campaign – the section of the Maze prison in Maze, County Down, Northern Ireland, reserved for republicans and loyalists convicted of terrorist offences. He wins just over 52% of the vote in the Northern Ireland by-election compared to 49% for the candidate of the Official Unionist party, Harry West. His winning margin is 1,400 but over 3,000 ballot papers are spoiled.

Recriminations over his victory begin almost immediately. Unionist parties come under fire for not mounting an effective challenge. There is also sharp criticism of the failure of the moderate Catholic Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) to contest the seat. Many believe the absence of an alternative Catholic candidate ensures victory for Sands in a seat with a Catholic majority.

Sands’ election agent, Owen Carron, says the British Government has been sent a message. “The nationalist people have voted against Unionism and against the H-blocks. It is time Britain got out of Ireland and put an end to the torture of this country,” he says.

At the time of his election, Sands, 27, has served four years of a fourteen-year sentence for firearms possession. He began his hunger strike 41 days earlier to press the republican prisoners’ claim to be treated as prisoners of war.

The government has to decide how to respond to Sands’ victory.  It can try to have him expelled on the grounds that he is an “unacceptable member.” However, unless he starts to eat again, he is not expected to live for more than another few weeks. He has already lost two stone and is too weak to leave his bed in the prison’s hospital wing.

Sand’s victory is the second time the voters of Fermanagh and South Tyrone have elected a republican prisoner as their MP. The first, Philip Clarke, in 1955, is disqualified because the law then does not allow convicts to take up political office.

In spite of attempts by the European Commission of Human Rights to mediate, Sands dies on May 5, 1981. He is the first of ten republican prisoners to die after hunger strikes. They attract international media attention and sympathy for the republicans.

The hunger strikes come to an end in October 1981. However, the Conservative Government of Margaret Thatcher grants the republicans only a few minor concessions.

(From: “1981: Hunger striker elected MP” on “On The Day 1950-2005,” BBC, news.bbc.co.uk)


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Death of Jonah Barrington, Lawyer, Judge & Politician

Sir Jonah Barrington, KC, Irish lawyer, judge and politician, dies at Versailles, France, on April 8, 1834. He is most notable for his amusing and popular memoirs of life in late 18th-century Ireland, for his opposition to the Act of Union 1800, and for his removal from the judiciary by both Houses of Parliament in 1830, still a unique event.

Barrington is born in 1756 or 1757 in Knapton, Abbeyleix, Queen’s County (now County Laois), the third son of John Barrington, an impoverished Protestant gentleman landowner in Queens’s County and his wife Sibella French of Peterswell, County Galway. He is raised and schooled by his grandparents in Dublin and enters Trinity College Dublin (TCD) in 1773, aged 16, but leaves TCD without a degree.

Barrington joins the Irish Volunteers and supports the Irish Patriot Party in the early 1780s. His father raises and commands two Corps: the Cullenagh Rangers and the Ballyroan Light Infantry.

Barrington’s elder brother commands both the Kilkenny Horse and the Durrow Light Dragoons. Through his correspondence with General Hunt Walsh, Barrington’s father secures him a commission in Walsh’s regiment. Upon learning that the regiment is to be sent to America to fight in the American Revolution, and fearful of dying on some foreign battlefield, he writes to Walsh asking him to present the commission to another candidate instead, claiming that he himself is too tender to be of any real use. His fears prove well founded when his replacement, the only child of one of Walsh’s friends, is killed in his first engagement.

Barrington is called to the Irish bar in 1788 and in 1789 he marries Catherine, daughter of Dublin mercer, Edward Grogan. They ultimately have seven children. The following year he enters by the purchase of the seat the pre-1801 Parliament of Ireland as MP for Tuam. He accepts a sinecure post in 1793 at the Dublin customhouse worth £1,000 p.a. generally supporting Henry Grattan and he takes silk the same year. He is a member of the Kildare Street Club in Dublin. Appointed an Admiralty court judge in 1798, he re-enters parliament the same year as member for Clogher and votes against the Act of Union in 1799–1800, rejecting John FitzGibbon, 1st Earl of Clare‘s offer of the solicitor-generalship in 1799. In 1802, he unsuccessfully contests a seat for Dublin City in the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

Barrington’s comments on the Act of Union has a continuing resonance with the Young Ireland, Fenian and Irish Parliamentary Party movements, which hope to re-establish “Grattan’s Parliament” in some way. In particular, his Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation (1833) provides the basis for this romantic idealisation of Grattan’s Parliament adopted by the Irish Parliamentary Party from the 1880s.

Appointed an Admiralty court judge in 1798 at a salary of £500, Barrington finds there is little work to be done and his lack of a degree restricts other opportunities to support extravagant tastes. His award of a knighthood in 1807 brings no increased income. His court orders the sale of two derelict vessels and he gives instructions that the proceeds are to go to his own bank account. In 1810 or 1811 he takes his wife and family to England and from that time on his work in Ireland is carried out by surrogates. Still retaining his judgeship and salary, he moves to France in 1814 to escape his creditors and never returns to Ireland.

In 1828, commissioners learn of Barrington’s financial irregularities. He crosses the channel to London and protests that he is innocent but does not answer the charges based on the documentary evidence produced by the commissioners. In 1830, a parliamentary commission recommends that he be removed from office, finding misappropriations of court funds in 1805, 1806 and 1810. Pursuant to a provision of the Act of Settlement 1701, which seeks to protect the independence of the judiciary, both Houses of the Parliament of the United Kingdom vote for an Address to King William IV praying for his removal, and the King duly dismisses Barrington from office. By then, Barrington’s first 1827 volume of memoirs has sold successfully, and they are republished and expanded. He is the first judge removed from office under the Act of Settlement, and to this day, is the only judge in the United Kingdom to be so removed.

According to one of Barrington’s sometimes spurious personal memoirs, on March 20, 1780, he travels to Donnybrook, Dublin, to duel with Richard Daly. Daly has fought 16 duels in three years – three with swords and thirteen with pistols. Remarkably, he, and his opponents, have always escaped serious injury. Barrington has no pistols so he and his second, Richard Crosbie, spend the previous night constructing a pair “from old locks, stocks and barrels.” At Donnybrook, Daly’s second, Jack Patterson, a nephew of the Chief Justice, approaches Crosbie, explains that it is all a mistake and asks that the two shake hands. Barrington is in favour, but Crosbie has none of it. Taking out a duelling handbook, he points to rule No.7 – “No apology can be received after the parties meet, without a fire.”

Taking up their positions, Barrington loses no time in pressing the trigger and Daly staggers back, puts his hand to his chest, and cries, “I’m hit, Sir.” The ball does not penetrate but does drive part of a brooch slightly into his breastbone. Barrington only then thinks to inquire why the duel is even taking place. This time the rule book notes: “If a party challenged accepts the challenge without asking the reason for it, the challenger is never bound to divulge it afterwards.”

Barrington is most notable today for his memoirs which include scathing but humorous thumbnail portraits of contemporary Irish lawyers, judges and politicians during the last years of the Protestant Ascendancy. Personal sketches also includes vignettes on Irish people from every background. His works are reprinted with frequent additions and renamings.

Since his death, Barrington’s work has been quoted by a wide selection of editors, primarily following two themes: the political drama surrounding the Act of Union and the colourful nature of life in 1700s Ireland.


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Founding of North Tipperary County Council

North Tipperary County Council (Irish: Comhairle Contae Thiobraid Árann Thuaidh) is established on April 1, 1899, under the Local Government (Ireland) Act 1898 for the administrative county of Tipperary, North Riding. It is the local authority of the county of North Tipperary from 1899 to 2014. The head of the council has the title of Cathaoirleach. The county town was Nenagh.

North Tipperary County Council succeeds the judicial county of the North Riding of County Tipperary, except for the district electoral divisions of Cappagh, Curraheen, and Glengar, which become part of South Tipperary.

Originally, North Tipperary County Council holds its meetings in Nenagh Courthouse. The county council relocates to a new facility, known as the Civic Offices, in 2005.

The Local Government (Ireland) Act 1919 introduces the electoral system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote (PR-STV) for the 1920 Irish local elections. Tipperary North Riding is divided into five county electoral areas to elect the twenty members of the council.

Under the Local Government Act 2001, North Tipperary County Council is allocated twenty-one seats. The 2009 North Tipperary County Council election is the last election to the council.

On July 26, 2011, Phil Hogan, the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, announces the proposed merger of North Tipperary County Council and South Tipperary County Council. Following implementation of the Local Government Reform Act 2014, it is dissolved on June 1, 2014, and succeeded by Tipperary County Council.


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Birth of Breeda Moynihan-Cronin, Former Labour Party Politician

Breeda Moynihan-Cronin (née Moynihan), former Labour Party politician who serves as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Kerry South constituency from 1992 to 2007, is born in Cork, County Cork, on March 31, 1953.

Although born in Cork, Moynihan-Cronin is a native of Killarney, County Kerry. She is educated at St. Brigid’s Secondary School in Killarney, Dominican College Sion Hill in Dublin, and Skerry’s College, Cork. Her father, Michael Moynihan, is a TD for Kerry South from 1981 to 1987 and from 1989 to 1992. She works as a bank official before becoming involved in politics in 1991 when she is elected to Kerry County Council. She is first elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1992 Irish general election as a Labour Party TD for Kerry South, succeeding her father. She is re-elected at every election until 2007.

Moynihan-Cronin holds a number of front bench positions in the Labour Party, including, Spokesperson on Justice, Equality and Law Reform (1997–98), Social, Community and Family Affairs(1998–99), Tourism and Recreation (1999–2002), Social, Community and Family Affairs (2002–03), and Equality and Law Reform (2003–07). She is a former chairperson of the Labour Party.

On October 11, 2005, Moynihan-Cronin announces that she will not stand for re-election at the forthcoming general election due to ill-health. Her decision to retire presents considerable difficulties for the Labour Party to retain her seat, as the party performed poorly at the 2004 Kerry County Council election, failing to elect any councillors within the county. However, on October 28, 2006, she announces that she will stand in the forthcoming general election, having overcome her health difficulties. However, she fails to retain her seat.

In June 2011, Moynihan-Cronin returns to politics when she is co-opted onto Kerry County Council to represent the Killarney area, filling the seat left vacant when Marie Moloney is elected to the 24th Seanad. In 2013, she stands down from the council and is replaced by Sean Counihan.


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Birth of Martin McAleese, Politician, Dentist & Accountant

Martin McAleese, Irish politician, dentist and accountant who has served as the Chancellor of Dublin City University (DCU) since August 2011, is born in Belfast, Northern Ireland, on March 24, 1951. He serves as a Senator from 2011 to 2013, after being nominated by the Taoiseach. He is the husband of the former president of Ireland, Mary McAleese.

McAleese is educated at St. Mary’s Christian Brothers’ Grammar School, Belfast. He then studies at Queen’s University Belfast (QUB), obtaining an honours Bachelor of Science in Physics. He plays Gaelic football for the Antrim Minors and is captain of the team in 1969. In 1972, after he graduates he moves to Dublin and trains there as an accountant with the chartered accountancy firm of Stokes, Kennedy, Crowley. He later works as financial controller for an Aer Lingus subsidiary.

McAleese marries Mary Leneghan in 1976. The couple resides in Scholarstown, Dublin, for a short period, and then for almost twelve years near Ratoath, County Meath. In 1980, he returns to full-time education at Trinity College Dublin (TCD), to study as a dentist, subsequently moving back, with his family, to Northern Ireland, where he practises as a dentist in Crossmaglen and Bessbrook, County Armagh.

While his wife serves as President of Ireland, McAleese initiates a series of meetings with senior Ulster loyalist paramilitary leaders to pursue peace negotiations. These actions do not take place without controversy, but are widely viewed as instrumental in bringing loyalist paramilitary groups to peace talks.

In May 2011, McAleese is appointed as a Senator by the Taoiseach Enda Kenny. In August 2011, he is appointed the Chancellor of Dublin City University, taking over from David Byrne.

On February 1, 2013, McAleese announces his intention to resign as a member of Seanad Éireann.

McAleese accepts an appointment as Chairman of the Inter-Departmental Committee which is set up by the Government of Ireland to investigate the Magdalene laundries. His findings have been criticised by some survivors and researchers from the Magdalene Names project.

On October 18-19, 2014, McAleese attends the One Young World Summit in Dublin as a keynote speaker. Here, he hosts a special session for the One Young World Peace and Conflict Resolution Project alongside former Ulster Defence Association (UDA) prisoner Jackie McDonald and former Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner Sean Murray. They address young people from 191 countries to share and develop ideas to strengthen efforts at conflict resolution in their own countries.

McAleese and his wife Mary have three children. The family moves to Rostrevor, County Down, in 1987, when he sets up practice in County Armagh.


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Enactment of the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act of 1881

On March 21, 1881, the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act of 1881, a significant piece of legislation, is enacted by the British Parliament, led by Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone, during a period of political turbulence in Ireland.

This act is part of a series of legislative measures introduced by the British government to address the rise of agrarian agitation and unrest in Ireland, particularly in response to the activities of the Irish National Land League. The Act grants extensive powers to the authorities to combat perceived threats to public order and security. It allows for the arrest and detention of individuals suspected of being involved in agrarian crimes, as well as the suppression of public meetings and the imposition of curfews in troubled areas. It is part of the broader response by the British government to the Land War, a period of agrarian agitation and tenant-landlord conflicts in Ireland during the late 19th century. The legislative measures during this time are controversial and lead to increased tensions between the Irish population and the British authorities.

William Ewart Gladstone, a member of the Liberal Party, is the prime minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland on four separate occasions between 1868 and 1894. He is noted for his moralistic leadership and his emphasis on world peace, economical budgets, political reform and efforts to resolve the Irish question.

Gladstone sees himself as a national leader driven by a political and almost religious mission, which he tries to validate through elections and dramatic appeals to the public conscience. His approach sometimes divides the Liberal Party, which he dominates for three decades. Finally, he splits his party on the issue of Irish Home Rule, which he sees as mandated by the true public interest regardless of the political cost.

In 1881, Gladstone is convinced that to pass a Land Bill for Ireland, law and order should be restored. In February 1881, the government therefore passes the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act 1881 which gives the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland powers to suspend habeas corpus, and gives him in effect the power to lock up anyone he likes for as long as he likes. This is the Act used to arrest Irish Nationalist leader Charles Stewart Parnell.

On August 22, 1881, Parliament passes the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881 which gives Irish tenants “the three Fs”: fair rent, fixity (security) of tenure, and the right to freely sell their holdings.

Gladstone’s government also passes the Arrears of Rent (Ireland) Act 1882, which cancels rent arrears for Irish tenants occupying land worth less than £30 per annum who were unable to pay.

(From: “The Peace Preservation Act, Controlling Possession and Importation of Arms, Is Enacted,” Today In Celtic History, http://www.todayinceltichistory.com | Pictured: William Ewart Gladstone, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom)


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Death of John Mitchel, Nationalist Activist & Journalist

John Mitchel, Irish nationalist activist, author, and political journalist, dies at Drumalane, his parents’ house in Newry, County Down, on March 20, 1875.

Mitchel is born in Camnish, near Dungiven, County Derry, on November 3, 1815, the son of a Presbyterian minister. At the age of four, he is sent to a classical school, run by an old minister named Moor, nicknamed “Gospel Moor” by the students. He reads books from a very early age. When a little over five years old, he is introduced to Latin grammar by his teacher and makes quick progress. In 1830, not yet 15 years old, he enters Trinity College, Dublin (TCD) and obtains a law degree in 1834.

In the spring of 1836, Mitchel meets Jane Verner, the only daughter of Captain James Verner. Though both families are opposed to the relationship, they become engaged in the autumn and are married on February 3, 1837, by the Rev. David Babington in Drumcree Church, the parish church of Drumcree.

Mitchel works in a law office in Banbridge, County Down, where he eventually comes into conflict with the local Orange Order. He meets Thomas Davis and Charles Gavan Duffy during visits to Dublin. He joins the Young Ireland movement and begins to write for The Nation. Deeply affected by the misery and death caused by the Great Famine, he becomes convinced that nothing will ever come of the constitutional efforts to gain Irish freedom. He then forms his own paper, United Irishmen, to advocate passive resistance by Ireland’s starving masses.

In May 1848, the British tire of Mitchel’s open defiance. Ever the legal innovators in Ireland, they invent a crime especially for the Young Irelanders – felony-treason. They arrest him for violating this new law and close down his paper. A rigged jury convicts him, and he is deported first to Bermuda and then to Australia. However, in June 1853, he escapes to the United States.

Mitchel works as a journalist in New York City and then moves to the South. When the American Civil War erupts, he is a strong supporter of the Southern cause, seeing parallels with the position of the Irish. His family fully backs his commitment to the Southern cause. He loses two sons in the war, one at the Battle of Gettysburg in 1863 and another at the Battle of Fort Sumter in 1864, and another son loses an arm. His outspoken support of the Confederacy causes him to be jailed for a time at Fort Monroe, where one of his fellow prisoners is Confederate President Jefferson Davis.

In 1874, the British allow Mitchel to return to Ireland and in 1875 he is elected in a by-election to be a member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom representing the Tipperary constituency. However, his election is invalidated on the grounds that he is a convicted felon. He contests the seat again in the resulting by-election and is again elected, this time with an increased vote.

Unfortunately, Mitchel, one of the staunchest enemies to English rule of Ireland in history, dies in Newry on March 20, 1875. He is buried in his parents’ grave in the unitarian cemetery, High Street, Newry, where a monument is later erected by his widow. He is also commemorated by a statue in Newry. Thirty-eight years later, his grandson, John Purroy Mitchel, is elected Mayor of New York City.


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Birth of Patrick Guiney, Irish Nationalist Politician

Patrick Guiney, Irish Nationalist politician, agrarian agitator and Member of Parliament (MP) in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, is born in Newmarket, County Cork, on March 16, 1867.

Guiney is the eldest son of Timothy Guiney, a shopkeeper and later clerk of Kanturk poor law union, and Ellen Carver. He is educated at St. Patrick’s Monastery, Mountrath, County Laois. He serves three terms of imprisonment for activity in the Land War and later Plan of Campaign movement during the 1880s under the Coercion Act. He becomes a farmer and serves as councillor for Newmarket and on the Cork County Council (1908–11) as well as Chair of Newmarket Agricultural Society, Newmarket Gaelic League and Newmarket Old-Age Pensions Committee.

With strong family connection in the North Cork area, Guiney builds a personal political base as a Land and Labour Association activist, skilled in organising land agitation and deploying it at a local level to make landlords agree to sales terms under the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903. A supporter of William O’Brien‘s All-for-Ireland League, he is elected MP for North Cork in the January 1910 United Kingdom general election. He is re-elected in the following December 1910 United Kingdom general election, when he also contests (unsuccessfully) for East Kerry.

Guiney marries Nanette O’Connor of Ballyclogh, Mallow, County Cork, in 1895.

Guiney dies at his home in Newmarket on October 12, 1913, after contracting pneumonia and is buried in Clonfert Cemetery, Newmarket.

Guiney’s brother, John, a solicitor in Kanturk, is returned unopposed for his seat in the resulting 1913 North Cork by-election. They are uncles of Philip Burton, Fine Gael TD for Cork North-East from 1961 to 1969, and member of the Seanad from 1973 to 1977.

(Pictured: All-for-Ireland League group portrait of five of its Members of Parliament, in the “Cork Free Press”, 30 July 1910. These are: Patrick Guiney (North Cork), James Gilhooly (West Cork), Maurice Healy (North-east Cork), D. D. Sheehan (Mid Cork), and Eugene Crean (South-east Cork))