The protest is a direct response to the Caledon Protest just two months earlier, when Member of the Parliament of Northern IrelandAustin Currie “squats” in a house allocated by the Dungannon Rural District Council to a single, childless Protestant woman employed by a Unionistpolitician. The house has been given ahead of older married Catholic families with children, highlighting systemic housing discrimination. NICRA’s broader goals include ending gerrymandering, securing a universal franchise, and repealing discriminatory laws.
Around 2,000 people participate in the march, including men, women, and children, carrying banners and holding signs. The march is modeled on civil rights marches in the United States, using nonviolent direct action such as marches and sit‑ins. The atmosphere is initially described as a “holiday” by some participants, with a festive mood until police intervention.
As the march approaches Dungannon’s Market Square, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) orders a ban on entry and a meeting there. Behind the RUC line are 1,500 loyalists armed with cudgels and staves. The anti-civil rights countermarch has been organized by the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) with the help of the Rev. Ian Paisley. Confronted with this massive force, the civil rights marchers merely sit down and listen to a number of speeches, while Paisley and his followers sing sectarian songs and shout abuse from behind the RUC barricades. Police separate the two groups, preventing direct confrontation. On this day, the civil rights marchers escape harm but very soon all that would change.
Paisley rapidly makes a name for himself among hard-line loyalist groups. He later helps form a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA). In the near future, his followers use their cudgels and staves in the streets of the six counties in an attempt to physically beat back the rising tide of the civil rights movement. The cycle of violence in the six counties rapidly spins out of control, and Paisley is one of the individuals driving the surge of violence.
While the march is peaceful and well‑attended, it does not immediately lead to policy changes. It, however, is a pivotal moment in the Northern Ireland civil rights movement, raising national attention to housing discrimination and galvanising further protests, including a later demonstration at DerryGuildhall.
This event is remembered as a symbol of early, nonviolent resistance in Northern Ireland’s struggle for civil and political equality.
(Pictured: The first civil rights procession from Coalisland to Dungannon on August 24, 1968. Photo credit: Belfast Telegraph)
The unrest begins on August 12 with the Battle of the Bogside in Derry’s predominantly CatholicBogside district. Tensions have been building for over a year due to long-standing nationalist grievances, including political discrimination and gerrymandering that has kept the city under Unionist control since 1925. The violence erupts during the annual Apprentice Boys’ march, when Protestant marchers pass through the Catholic area, provoking clashes with residents.
On August 13, nationalist protests spread to other towns, including Belfast, Armagh, Dungannon, and Newry. In Belfast, seven people are killed and hundreds wounded, with many Catholic civilians shot by police. Loyalists attack Catholic homes, and both republican and loyalist paramilitaries are involved. Over 150 homes are destroyed, and 1,800 families are displaced.
By August 14, the British government deploys 300 troops from the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales’s Own Regiment of Yorkshire to County Londonderry, replacing the exhausted RUC. The move is initially welcomed by some residents, but it remains clear that the violence has not been contained. The deployment marks the start of Operation Banner, the British Army’s long-term presence in Northern Ireland.
The riots and protests are widely regarded as the beginning of the Troubles, a 30-year conflict. The British Army’s presence, the establishment of peace lines to separate Catholic and Protestant areas, and the Republic of Ireland’s call for a United Nations peacekeeping force reflect the deepening crisis.
In short, August 14, 1969, is the day British troops enter Northern Ireland to restore order after days of nationalist-led protests and riots, events that define the region’s political landscape for decades.
Between 1959 and 1977, Trimble is professor of accompaniment and musicianship at the Royal College of Music.
Trimble’s compositional career spans two decades, producing works such as Buttermilk Point (1938), The Heather Glen (1949), Phantasy for Piano Trio (1940), and the suite Ulster Airs (1939–40). In 1957, she makes a notable mark by composing Blind Raftery, the first new opera by a woman to be broadcast on BBC Television.
Later in life, Trimble inherits her father’s newspaper, becoming its proprietor and editor, and takes up composition again in 1990 when commissioned for her 75th birthday. She dies in Enniskillen on August 6, 2000, at the age of 85, two weeks after the death of her husband. She is remembered for her contributions to Irish music, her skill as a pianist, and her role in preserving her family’s legacy in both the arts and journalism.
In 2002, the Joan Trimble Awards Scheme is established by her family in her memory, and administered by the Fermanagh Trust “in recognition of her lifelong commitment to County Fermanagh.” The purpose of the scheme is to encourage and support the involvement of young people in creativity, the performing arts and Irish culture, and to provide bursaries for training and education.
In 2012, Fermanagh County Museum stages an exhibition titled “Buttermilk Point: The Musical Life of Joan Trimble, 1915–2000.”
On June 18, 2015, “Music in Fermanagh” presents A Celebration Concert as part of the Joan Trimble Centenary Celebration at the Ardhowen Theatre in Enniskillen.
The Coalition Government, led by Prime MinisterDavid Lloyd George, is in power from 1918 to 1922 following the end of World War I, continuing the wartime alliance that has included Liberals and Conservatives. By 1920, the Cabinet is navigating Spain’s post-war reconstruction, the political unrest in Ireland, social welfare issues, and economic stabilization following wartime disruption. This period also sees preparation for negotiations over Germany’s reparations and engagement with international diplomacy after the Treaty of Versailles.
The Coalition Cabinet keeps detailed minutes and memoranda, which are recorded in the CAB 23 series as “Cabinet Conclusions,” starting from November 1919 into the interwar years. These records summarize discussions and decisions but are not verbatim transcriptions.
While the specific agenda for July 23 is not directly cited in the sources, relevant Cabinet business during July 1920 includes:
Reconstruction and Post-War Economy: Addressing unemployment, social welfare of returning servicemen, and government budgetary priorities.
International Diplomacy and Reparations: Review of ongoing negotiations concerning German reparations after World War I, potentially preparing for discussions later in London and Paris.
Regarding Ireland, the Cabinet is divided on how to proceed. Some Liberal ministers and Dublin Castle officials are in favour of offering dominion status to Ireland. Conservative ministers argue that the Government must crush the insurgency and proceed with the Government of Ireland Bill. Debate continues after the meeting, with Walter Long warning of “the gravest consequences in Ulster” if the Government changes course.
In summary, the Coalition Cabinet convenes on July 23, 1920, in the context of post-war governance, with ministers like Lloyd George, Bonar Law, Curzon, Balfour, and Churchill participating. While exact meeting details require consulting official CAB series records, the issues at hand involve post-World War I economic recovery, Irish affairs, and international obligations stemming from the Treaty of Versailles.
(Pictured: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom David Lloyd George)
Osborne (née Meikle) is born on February 21, 1926 in Larne, County Antrim, the daughter of William Meikle who is a fitter at Harland & Wolff. She displays artistic talent from a young age, recognized at 20 by painter Paul Nietsche, and earns a scholarship from the Ministry of Education to pursue further studies. She trains at the Camberwell School of Arts & Crafts in London and later completes her National Diploma in Art and Design at the Belfast School of Art.
Osborne’s early career includes exhibitions in Belfast, London, and prominent Canadian galleries after she emigrates to Canada with her husband, fellow artist Dennis H. Osborne, in 1953. She exhibits works such as The Harmonica Player, a portrait of poet Barbara Hunter, and other pieces across Canada, gaining recognition for her skill in landscapes, portraits, and abstract forms.
Declining health due to a brain tumour forces Osborne to return to Northern Ireland in 1959. She settles first in Portadown and later in Lisburn, where she continues to paint despite her illness. She participates in exhibitions, including those of the Royal Ulster Academy of Arts and local art societies, maintaining her influence on the Northern Irish art scene.
Osborne dies at the age of 39 on July 9, 1965, in Lisburn Hospital due to complications from a brain tumour, which had been a long-standing health struggle. She leaves behind her husband, Dennis, and their daughter, Moya. Posthumously, her work is celebrated in memorial exhibitions, including those organized by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland and the Ulster Society of Women Artists, and several of her paintings, like Roots and Grief, are preserved in the Ulster Museum and Armagh County Museum.
Osborne is remembered as a gifted painter whose contributions to mid-20th-century art in both the United Kingdom and Canada reflect emotional depth, modernist abstraction, and a commitment to capturing natural forms, despite her life and career being cut tragically short.
Wilson begins his priestly career as a hospital chaplain, where he becomes aware of the systemic neglect and exploitation of women. This experience shapes his later advocacy for marginalized groups. In 1966, he is assigned to St. John’s parish in Ballymurphy, a heavily working class and nationalist area. Confronted with poverty, deprivation, and social neglect, he rejects a purely clerical role and chooses to live among his parishioners, earning deep community trust.
Wilson facilitates grassroots initiatives such as the Springhill Community House and the Conway Education Centre, establishing spaces for alternative education, vocational training, small business incubators, and cultural engagement. These efforts emphasize the empowerment of local communities, adult education, and economic development, drawing inspiration from liberation theology and Worker Priest models.
Wilson’s ministry coincides with some of the most violent years of the Northern Ireland Troubles. He provides support to families affected by violence, offers shelter and practical assistance, and maintains dialogue channels between republican and loyalist communities. He criticizes the Catholic Church for its detachment from the struggles of working class Catholics and refuses to condemn paramilitary groups acting as “alternative police and armies,” reflecting his nuanced approach to community protection and justice. Alongside figures like Fr. Alec Reid, he is instrumental in mediating discussions that contribute toward the peace process.
Wilson’s work earns widespread admiration for his courage, humanity, and commitment to justice. He hosts Mother Teresa in west Belfast, helping to establish charitable outreach in the community. Despite periods of estrangement with his bishop and being barred from celebrating Mass in churches, he continues his ministry at home and through community projects.
Wilson is also a prolific writer, recording diaries, pamphlets, and weekly columns, later commemorated in the documentary “Fr. Des – The Way He Saw It” narrated by Stephen Rea, and in theatre productions celebrating his life. PresidentMichael D. Higgins and countless individuals recognize his significant role in civil rights, education, and peacemaking.
Wilson dies in Belfast on November 5, 2019, at the age of 94, leaving a lasting impact on Belfast and a model for socially committed clergy worldwide. His approach to ministry stands as a testament to living faith in solidarity with marginalized communities, emphasizing education, dialogue, and justice over institutional authority.
The institutions Wilson helps create, notably the Springhill Community House and Conway Mill, continue to support education, enterprise, and community engagement in Belfast, embodying Wilson’s vision of an empowered, inclusive society. His life remains an inspiration for those committed to social justice, peacebuilding, and community-centered ministry.
Wilson is remembered as a priest,educator, community activist, and mediator, whose dedication to the underprivileged and commitment to peace has left an indelible mark on Northern Ireland.
McCullough turns professional in 1993, moving to Las Vegas, Nevada, to train under legendary coach Eddie Futch. Less than 2½ years after his debut, he captures the WBC bantamweight title on July 30, 1995, by defeating Yasuei Yakushiji in Japan, becoming the first Irish or UK boxer to win a world title there. He successfully defends the WBC belt twice before moving up in weight. He challenges for championships in super bantamweight and featherweight, including notable bouts against Daniel Zaragoza, Naseem Hamed, Erik Morales, and Oscar Larios. He is renowned for his relentless attacking style and exceptional durability, never being knocked down in his professional career.
McCullough’s career record consists of 34 professional bouts with 27 wins (18 by knockout) and 7 losses. He retires after a bout against Juan Ruiz in June 2008 due to injury, ending a career spanning 15 years.
McCullough marries Cheryl Rennie in 1993, and they have a daughter, Wynona, pursuing a career in entertainment. During his career, he faces mental health challenges, including depression and suicidal thoughts, which he overcomes with the support of his family and faith. He becomes a United States citizen in 2005.
After retiring, McCullough becomes a trainer for amateur and professional fighters and works to promote goodwill in sports as WBC World Ambassador for Peace. He is also involved in mixed martial artspublic relations and founds his charity initiative, IHOW. He publishes his autobiography, Pocket Rocket: Don’t Quit, in 2005. In 2019, he is inducted into the Nevada Boxing Hall of Fame for his contributions to the sport.
McCullough’s courage, low knockdown susceptibility, and international successes have cemented him as a revered figure in boxing, both in Ireland and globally. His story is one of triumph, resilience, and overcoming personal and professional adversity.
The Battle of St. Matthew’s, also known as the Battle of Short Strand, is a gun battle that takes place on the night of June 27-28, 1970, in Belfast, Northern Ireland. It is fought between the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), and Ulster loyalists in the area around St. Matthew’s Roman Catholic church. This lies at the edge of the Short Strand, a Catholic enclave in a mainly-Protestant part of the city. Violence erupts there, and in other parts of Belfast, following marches by the Orange Order. The battle lasts about five hours and ends at dawn when loyalists withdraw. The British Army and police are deployed nearby but do not intervene. Three people are killed and at least 26 wounded in the fighting, while another three are killed in north Belfast.
The battle is the Provisional IRA’s first major action during the Troubles, and a propaganda victory for the Irish nationalist organization. It presents itself as successfully defending a vulnerable Catholic enclave from armed loyalist mobs. Loyalists, however, argue that the IRA lured them into a carefully prepared trap.
During the Northern Ireland riots of August 1969 in Belfast, Catholic Irish republicans clash with Protestant Ulster loyalists and the mainly-Protestant Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern Ireland’s police force. Catholics believe that they are about to become “victims of a Protestant pogrom” and Protestants believe they are on the “eve of an IRA insurrection.” Hundreds of Catholic homes and businesses are burned out and more than 1,000 families, mostly Catholic, are forced to flee. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) has few weapons or members and is unable to adequately defend the Catholic areas. The rioting ends with the deployment of British troops. In December 1969, the IRA splits into the Official Irish Republican Army and the Provisional Irish Republican Army—with the Provisionals vowing to defend Catholic areas in future.
The Short Strand is a Catholic/nationalist enclave in East Belfast, a mainly Protestant/Ulster unionist part of the city. In the early years of the Troubles, Catholics in Short Strand number about 6,000, while their Protestant neighbours total about 60,000.
On Saturday, June 27, 1970, a large march by the Orange Order takes place in west Belfast, which is joined by loyalist bands from other parts of the city. Violence breaks out as the march enters the Catholic Springfield Road area on its way to Whiterock Orange Hall. Missiles are thrown by both sides, a bakery is set ablaze, and the British Army fires CS gas to disperse crowds. The riot sparks violence in other parts of Belfast.
In north Belfast, another Orange march proceeds along the Crumlin Road, the boundary between the Catholic Ardoyne and the Protestant Shankill areas. According to Crown prosecutors, a crowd emerges from Ardoyne throwing bottles and stones. As the riot descends into a gun battle, the IRA—who according to Gerry Adams were “ready and waiting”—kill three Protestants: William Kincaid (28), Daniel Loughins (32) and Alexander Gould (18). Others are wounded, including a Royal Navypetty officer who is shot in the jaw while driving a field ambulance. Earlier in the month, British troops divert an Orange march away from Ardoyne, leading to serious rioting by Protestants in the Shankill.
In the predominantly Protestant east of the city, an Orange parade also takes place along the Newtownards Road. At the bottom of the road is the Catholic enclave of the Short Strand, and here a gun battle breaks out between the IRA and Protestants, though the cause of it is disputed by both sides.
Violence erupts at St. Matthew’s Catholic church on the evening of June 27. It begins after a loyalist band and supporters march through the area on their return from the main parade. Rival groups gather, taunting leads to stone-throwing, and eventually, shots are fired.
As the situation worsens, Catholic residents fear that the gathering crowds of loyalists will attempt to invade the Short Strand and burn them from their homes. Local IRA members retrieve weapons from arms dumps. A young resident, Jim Gibney, recalls, “I saw neighbours, people I knew, coming down the street carrying rifles. I was just dumbstruck by this experience. I’d never seen such a thing before.”
The battle begins at about 10:00 p.m. and continues for the next five hours. Loyalists begin attacking the church and surrounding property with petrol bombs. A small house on the church grounds, where the sexton lives with his family, is set ablaze. A nearby Catholic pub is also looted and burned.
A small group of IRA members and members of the Citizens’ Defence Committee take up positions in the church grounds and in adjoining streets. The IRA members are armed with M1 carbines and are led by Billy McKee, commander of the IRA’s Belfast Brigade. Also present is Billy Kelly, commander of the Belfast Brigade’s 3rd Battalion. The IRA members fire at the loyalists, some of whom are positioned on the roofs opposite. Jim Magee, a local loyalist, sees wounded people lying on the road and asks the police (RUC) for help. According to Magee, “[they] said ‘if you have anything, get it out and protect your people.’ So we got an old rifle and went into Frazer Street and started firing back.”
The security forces are deployed in the area at the time but do not intervene to end the fighting. Shortly after the shooting begins, StormontMPPaddy Kennedy goes with Short Strand residents to the local RUC base and demands protection for their homes. Across the River Lagan, in the Markets area, other IRA members assemble and prepare to reinforce the Short Strand should it be invaded. British soldiers eventually arrive in armoured vehicles and cordon off the roads around the Short Strand, which denies the IRA “any hope of reinforcement.” At the time, the British Army says that its soldiers fired no shots because “owing to the confused situation, it was impossible to identify targets.” British Army Colonel Mike Dewar later says, “The whole incident had taken its course because the Army was so chronically overstretched that night in Belfast. The one spare platoon in the whole of west Belfast was not able to get through rioting Protestants to the Short Strand.” JournalistTony Geraghty writes that sometimes “The gunfire eased long enough to allow an occasional British Army personnel carrier (a ‘Pig‘) to whine past, illuminated by the flames in a token gesture of law-and-order.”
Another journalist who witnesses the battle, Peter Taylor, later says, “The shooting intensified but the soldiers still declined to intervene and separate the two sides – either because they felt they were not numerically strong enough or because they did not wish to get caught up in the middle of a sectarian fight, in the darkness, with shots being fired by both sides.”
Liz Maskey, who is a volunteer nurse that night, says that the Short Strand is surrounded by loyalists and claim they attacked her ambulance as it tried to leave the area.
The loyalists withdraw after about five hours, as dawn breaks. IRA leader Billy McKee claims that his unit had fired 800 rounds during the battle.
Three people are killed in the fighting. At least 26 are wounded, including Billy McKee, who is shot five times.
Robert Neill, a 38-year-old Protestant, died instantly when a shot fired from the church bounced off the pavement and hit him in the spine.
James McCurrie, a 34-year-old Protestant, is shot dead on Beechfield Street.
Henry McIlhone, a 33-year-old Catholic, is helping to defend Short Strand when he is accidentally shot from the republican side. He dies on June 29. However, McKee maintains that McIlhone is shot by loyalists. Tírghrá, the IRA’s official list of its fallen, lists McIlhone as a “volunteer” but adds “although not a member of the IRA, Henry McIlhone was included in the republican roll of honour as a mark of respect for this great Irishman by republican comrades he fought alongside.”
Republicans and loyalists disagree over who started the violence and fired the first shots. Republicans claim that the violence was started by a mob of loyalists returning from an Orange march. They say that the loyalists tried to set the church alight and invade Short Strand, with the intention of burning the residents from their homes. Hence, republicans argue that they were defending the Short Strand from a loyalist attack. Loyalists claim the violence was begun by republicans, allegedly when the returning Orangemen and supporters were attacked on Newtownards Road. They argue that republicans attacked Protestants to lure them into “a carefully prepared trap.”
The following day, loyalists expel 500 Catholic workers from the nearby Harland & Wolff shipyard. Shortly after, the British government’s representative at Stormont says that the decision to allow Orange marches to go ahead on that day was “the greatest single miscalculation I have ever seen made in the course of my life.”
Many Catholics and nationalists believe that the IRA had been unable to defend them during the August 1969 riots. However, it is argued that the IRA’s defence of Short Strand redeemed it in the eyes of many Catholics and nationalists. Prior to the gun battle, the IRA had been waiting for an opportunity to portray themselves as defenders of the Catholic community. Among republicans, the battle is seen as a key event in the growth of the Provisional IRA.
Less than a week later, the British Army seizes a large haul of Official IRA weapons during a three-day operation in west Belfast. Nationalists see this as a confiscation of their defences.
At the time of the attack, a Friday evening, a cabaret show is taking place, and the bar contains approximately forty people. The attackers spray the pub with an ArmaLite AR-15assault rifle. While some sources suggest that a grenade is thrown into the bar before the attackers escape, contemporary news sources state that a bomb is left behind.
Three people are killed and approximately six are injured. Those killed, all Protestant civilians from the same extended family, included Ruby Kidd (28), Francis Walker (17) and Joseph McBride (56).
The “West Belfast Republican Action Force” subsequently claims responsibility for the shooting, stating that it was “carried out in retaliation” for the Chlorane Bar attack earlier in June 1976.
A week after the gun attack in Templepatrick, the UVF carries out a gun attack on a Catholic-owned pub, the Ramble Inn. While described as a “reprisal” for the Walker’s bar attack, five of the six people killed in the Ramble Inn attack are Protestants, while the other victim is Catholic. Considered a failure or “own goal” by the UVF, the attack is carried out because the bar owners are Catholics and the gunmen expect that the patrons would mainly be Catholic.
The train is returning from Belfast, where King George V has just opened the first Parliament of Northern Ireland on June 22. It is part of a heavy security escort for the King, including the 10th Royal Hussars (machine gun troop) and their horses, who have been stationed at the Curragh in County Meath. Three special trains have been arranged to bring them back to Dublin, but the third is attacked.
The IRA plants a mine or detonates a bomb that partially derails the train a mile north of Adavoyle Station, between Newry and Dundalk. The derailment causes ten carriages to be thrown across an embankment, killing and injuring many soldiers and horses.
At least three British soldiers are killed (including a sergeant and a private) and twenty are wounded, some of whom later die from their injuries. The train guard, Frank Gallagher, is killed and two other railway officials are seriously injured. Reports vary about the number of horses killed. Some say over 40 horses are killed while others claim as many as 100. Many horses are shot to prevent them from being captured or causing further casualties. Soldiers reportedly weep for their dead horses, as they had served together in World War I. A local farmer and a train guard are also shot dead in the aftermath.
The attack causes an outcry in Britain, highlighting the IRA’s ability to strike high-profile military convoys. The incident underscores the vulnerability of British forces returning from political events in Ireland and is one of several such attacks during the War of Independence.
The Adavoyle ambush is remembered as a symbolic and brutal act in the conflict, combining military casualties with the killing of animals that have been comrades in war. It also illustrates the IRA’s use of railways as a strategic target during the campaign.
Today, the Adavoyle railway station is in ruins, though the Belfast-Dublin line still passes the site.
