Following his local education, Lanyon becomes an apprentice civil engineer with Jacob Owen in Portsmouth. When Owen is made senior Engineer and Architect of the Irish Board of Works and moves to Dublin, Lanyon follows. In 1835 he marries Owen’s daughter, Elizabeth Helen. They have ten children, including Sir William Owen Lanyon, an army officer and future administrator of the Transvaal in southern Africa.
Lanyon is county surveyor in County Kildare briefly, a post he exchanges for its equivalent in County Antrim, based in Belfast, when the incumbent, Thomas Jackson Woodhouse, resigns in 1836. By 1842, he has built the Antrim coast road between Larne and Portrush, through spectacular natural surroundings. He designs the lofty three-arched Glendunviaduct on this route near Cushendun, an early example of his versatile talent for monumental display as well as the Ormeau Bridge over the River Lagan. He remains county surveyor of Antrim until 1861 when he resigns from the post to concentrate on private work and other interests.
Lanyon’s other business interests include being director of the Blackstaff Flax Spinning Company and chairman of several railway companies. He is made director of the Northern Counties Railway in 1870 but resigns in 1887 because of ill-health. Alongside his business activities he is an active Freemason and serves as Provincial Deputy Grand Master of Belfast and North Down between 1863 and 1868, Provincial Deputy Grand Master of Antrim between 1868 and 1883 and Provincial Grand Master of Antrim between 1883 and 1889.
Lanyon lives at The Abbey, a grand house in Whiteabbey, County Antrim, which eventually becomes a sanitorium during World War I and is now part of Whiteabbey Hospital. His wife dies in 1858, and his son William dies from cancer at the age of 44 in 1887. He dies at The Abbey on May 31, 1889, and is buried in Knockbreda Cemetery, Belfast, in a tomb also of his design.
Dickson is born on December 25, 1744, the eldest son of John Dickson, a tenant farmer of Ballycraigy, in the parish of Carnmoney, County Antrim. His mother is Jane Steel and, on the death of his uncle, William Steel, on May 13, 1747, the family adds his mother’s maiden name to their own.
In his boyhood, Dickson is educated by Robert White, a Presbyterian minister from Templepatrick and enters University of Glasgow in November 1761. Following graduation, he is apparently employed for a time in teaching, and in 1771 he is ordained as a Presbyterian minister. Until the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War, he occupies himself mainly with parochial and domestic duties. His political career begins in 1776, when he speaks and preaches against the “unnatural, impolitic and unprincipled” war with the American colonies, denouncing it as a “mad crusade.” On two government fast-days his sermons on “the advantages of national repentance” (December 13, 1776), and on “the ruinous effects of civil war” (February 27, 1778) create considerable excitement when published. Government loyalists denounce Dickson as a traitor.
Political differences are probably at the root of a secession from his congregation in 1777. The seceders form a new congregation at Kircubbin, County Down, in defiance of the authority of the general synod.
In 1771 Dickson marries Isabella Gamble, a woman of some means, who dies on July 15, 1819. They have at least eight children, but he outlives them all. One of his sons is in the Royal Navy and dies in 1798.
Dickson enters with zest into the volunteer movement of 1778, being warmly in favour of the admission of Roman Catholics to the ranks. This is resisted “through the greater part of Ulster, if not the whole.” In a sermon to the Echlinville volunteers on March 28, 1779, he advocates the enrolment of Catholics and though induced to modify his language in printing the discourse, he offends “all the Protestant and Presbyterian bigots in the country.” He is accused of being a papist at heart, “for the very substantial reason, among others, that the maiden name of the parish priest’s mother was Dickson.”
Though the contrary has been stated, Dickson is not a member of the Volunteer conventions at Dungannon in 1782 and 1783. He throws himself heart and soul into the famous election for County Down in August 1783, when the families of Hill and Stewart, compete for the county seat in Parliament. He, with his forty-shilling freeholders, fails to secure the election of Robert Stewart. But in 1790 he successfully campaigns for the election of Stewart’s son, better known as Lord Castlereagh. Castlereagh proves his gratitude by referring at a later date to Dickson’s popularity in 1790, as proof that he was “a very dangerous person to leave at liberty.”
In December 1791, Dickson joins Robert White’s son, John Campbell White, taking the “test” of the first Society of United Irishmen, organised in October in Belfast following a meeting held with Theobald Wolfe Tone, Protestant secretary of the Catholic Committee in Dublin. According to Dickson himself, he attends no further meetings of the Society but devotes himself to spreading its principles among the volunteer associations, in opposition to the “demi-patriotic” views of the Whig Club.
At a great volunteer meeting in Belfast on July 14, 1792, Dickson opposes a resolution for the gradual removal of Catholic disabilities and assists in obtaining a unanimous pledge in favour of total and immediate emancipation. Parish and county meetings are held throughout Ulster, culminating in a provincial convention at Dungannon on February 15, 1793. He is a leading spirit at many of the preliminary meetings, and, as a delegate from the Barony of Ards, he has a chief hand in the preparation of the Dungannon resolutions. Their avowed object is to strengthen the throne and give vitality to the constitution by “a complete and radical reform.” He is nominated on a committee of thirty to summon a national convention. The Irish parliament goes no further in the direction of emancipation than the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1793, which receives the royal assent on April 9, and remains unextended until 1829. While the passing of Lord Clare‘s Convention Act, still in force, makes illegal all future assemblies of delegates “purporting to represent the people, or any description of the people.”
In March and April 1798, Dickson is in Scotland arranging some family affairs. During his absence plans are made for an insurrection in Ulster, and soon after his return he agrees to take the place of Thomas Russell, who had been arrested, as adjutant-general of the United Irish forces for County Down. A few days before the county is to rise, he is himself arrested at Ballynahinch.
Dickson is conveyed to Belfast and lodged in the “black hole” and other prisons until August 12 when he is removed to a prison ship with William Tennant, Robert Hunter, Robert Simms, David Bailie Warden and Thomas Ledlie Birch, and detained there amid considerable discomfort. On March 25, 1799, Dickson, Tennant, Hunter, and Simms join the United Irish “State Prisoners” on a ship bound for Fort George, Highland prison in Scotland. This group, which includes Samuel Neilson, Arthur O’Connor, Thomas Russell, William James MacNeven, and Thomas Addis Emmet, arrives in Scotland on April 9, 1799. He spends two years there.
Unlike the more high-profile prisoners like O’Connor and MacNeven who are not released until June 1802, Tennant, Dickson, and Simms are permitted to return to Belfast in January 1802.
Dickson returns to liberty and misfortune. His wife has long been a helpless invalid, his eldest son is dead, his prospects are ruined. His congregation at Portaferry had been declared vacant on November 28, 1799. William Moreland, who had been ordained as his successor on June 16, 1800, at once offers to resign, but Dickson will not hear of this. He has thoughts of emigration but decides to stand his ground. At length, he is chosen by a seceding minority from the congregation of Keady, County Armagh, and installed minister on March 4, 1803.
Dickson’s political engagement ends with his attendance on September 9, 1811, of a Catholic meeting in Armagh, on returning from which he is cruelly beaten by Orangemen. In 1815 he resigns his charge in broken health and henceforth subsists on charity. Joseph Wright, an Episcopalian lawyer, gives him a cottage rent-free in the suburbs of Belfast, and some of his old friends make him a weekly allowance. His last appearance in the pulpit is early in 1824. He dies on December 27, 1824, having just passed his eightieth year, and is buried “in a pauper’s grave” at Clifton Street Cemetery, Belfast.
Moving to Dublin by September 1916, MacDonagh is headmaster for a time of Patrick Pearse‘s St. Enda’s School, the bilingual school where his brother Thomas had formerly served on the staff under Pearse, which had reopened after the rising in Cullenswood House, Oakley Road, Rathmines. By 1918 he is in private practice as an income tax recovery expert. He later quips that by recovering thousands of pounds annually for clients, he has done greater harm to the British government than any other Irishman. He is also partner by 1919 in an insurance brokerage with fellow Sinn FéinTDWilliam Cosgrave. Following Cosgrave’s departure, the firm trades from 1920 as MacDonagh & Boland, with offices first on Dame Street, and latterly on College Green.
MacDonagh’s prominence in the post-1916 reorganisation of Sinn Féin commences at the April 19, 1917, convention of advanced nationalists summoned by George Noble Plunkett after his parliamentary by-election victory. MacDonagh makes a resounding speech ratifying Plunkett’s determination not only to abstain from attendance at Westminster, but also to affirm the principles of the republican Easter Week proclamation rather than the dual-monarchy programme of Sinn Féin under Arthur Griffith. After campaigning vigorously on behalf of the successful by-election candidacy of Éamon de Valera in East Clare, he is arrested on August 30 and sentenced to six-months’ imprisonment for making a seditious speech. He joins in the hunger strike of republican prisoners seeking prisoner-of-war status in Mountjoy Gaol, on which Thomas Ashe dies on September 25 after enduring forcible feeding. Released with the other surviving strikers, he is a principal witness at the emotional inquest into the circumstances of Ashe’s death.
Elected to the Sinn Féin executive at the October 1917 ardfheis, at which the party adopts a republican constitution, MacDonagh is alternately rearrested and released on several occasions under the “cat-and-mouse act,” enduring further hunger strikes in both Belfast and Dundalk jails, before serving out in its entirety the original six-month sentence (1917–18). After deportation to England and while incarcerated in Reading Gaol, he is returned unopposed in the 1918 United Kingdom general election in Ireland as Sinn Féin candidate in North Tipperary and is released in time to attend the second session of the first Dáil Éireann on April 10, 1919. With the Dáil driven underground in September 1919 after its proscription, he protests against the infrequency of sessions, querying whether “private members [were] to abstain from Dublin as well as Westminster.”
Elected in January 1920 to both Dublin Corporation and Rathmines town council, MacDonagh concentrates his political energies on local government until appointment in January 1921 as acting Dáil Minister for Labour, and director of the Belfast boycott. Exercising effective authority over the labour department because of the imprisonment of the minister, Constance Markievicz, he seeks to define a comprehensive industrial and economic strategy and establishes a labour commission to formulate proposals. The resultant radical plan for supplanting capitalist ownership by developing cooperative and distributive industrial structures is ignored by his cabinet colleagues. His organisation and enforcement of the Belfast boycott – a response to the anti-Catholic rioting of July 1920, and expulsion of workers from jobs and families from homes – is relentless and efficient. He appoints a team of boycott organisers and local boycott committees empowered to impose fines and to seize goods, and blacklists firms that are facilitating circumvention of the boycott by trans-shipment of Belfast goods through non-boycotted northern towns or through British ports.
Throughout the Irish War of Independence MacDonagh is constantly on the run, usually under disguise as a priest, and is imprisoned for a time in Mountjoy Gaol in 1920. One of four Sinn Féin candidates returned unopposed to the Second Dáil for Tipperary Mid, North, and South, after a cabinet reorganisation in August 1921 following the truce, he remains as boycott director but is removed from the Labour Department. Bitterly opposed to the Anglo–Irish Treaty, in the Dáil debates he responds to Griffith’s assertion that the agreement is indeed a treaty concluded between two sovereign nations by asking why the pro-Treatyites are conducting the sovereign Irish nation into the British empire, and whether they are doing so “with their heads up or their hands up.”
Manager of the anti-Treaty bulletin Poblacht na hÉireann, in the 1922 Irish general election MacDonagh is returned on the first count to the third seat in his constituency. Arrested soon after the outbreak of the Irish Civil War, he escapes from Portobello military barracks. Rearrested on September 30 and imprisoned in Mountjoy Gaol, he falls seriously ill with acute appendicitis but refuses to sign the required form to secure release for medical treatment because it implicitly recognises the legitimacy of the Free State government. Transferred at length to the Mater Misericordiae private nursing home, he undergoes an operation, but two days later, having developed peritonitis, he dies on December 25, 1922. He is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery.
A small, supple man with alert blue eyes, MacDonagh wielded a swift and stinging tongue in debate. It is said that he indulged his caustic wit more for the delight in the bon mot than for the bitterness of the invective. Genial in company, with a store of amusing anecdote, he was celebrated for hearty humour even in the face of hardship and danger. On a prison sickbed days before his death, he referred to another inmate, bald-headed like himself, “who wears his hair like mine.” In 1913, he married Margaret O’Toole of Dublin. They had one daughter and two sons. They resided in Rathmines, first at 86 Moyne Road, before moving during 1922 to 9 Palmerston Road.
(From: “MacDonagh, Joseph” by Lawrence William White, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Gwynn is born in Ramelton, County Donegal, on May 5, 1873. He is a member of a family well known in Dublin at the time for its academic and sporting achievements. He is the fourth son of the Very Rev. John Gwynn, Regius Professor of Divinity at Trinity College Dublin (TCD), and Lucy Josephine, daughter of the Irish patriot William Smith O’Brien. He and his three immediate younger brothers, Arthur, Robin and Jack, all in turn captain their school and university cricket teams and play the game at first class level. He is also a talented rugby player.
Gwynn’s academic career outshines even his sporting achievements. He enters Trinity College Dublin as a foundation Scholar and achieves a double first in his degree finals. In 1899 he is elected a Fellow of Trinity College and commences what promises to be a distinguished academic career.
At school Gwynn is mainly a bowler, his brother Arthur being the superior bat, though this inequality is ironed out at university. He is captain of the Dublin University Cricket Club XI for two seasons, 1894 and 1895, then plays under Arthur’s captaincy. The three brothers make up a formidable threesome in those years.
Primarily noted for his bowling prowess during early outings with the Dublin University XI, Gwynn takes 44 wickets at an average of 8.14 in Trinity’s annus mirabilis of 1893, a season which witnesses victories over Leicestershire, Oxford University, Warwickshire (dismissed for a paltry total of 15 runs) and a draw against Essex.
Gwynn, a right-handed batsman, who records the highest first-class average (56.87) among those batsmen who complete ten innings or more during the English season of 1895, enjoys another remarkably productive season in 1896, plundering over a thousand runs in Trinity flannels, a superlative effort complemented by a haul of 93 wickets at 9.37. His irrepressible form reputedly earns him an invitation to represent England against Australia in the second Ashes Test at Old Trafford in July 1896. However, concurrent university examinations render him unable to participate. Instead, English cricket is introduced to the wizardry of K. S. Ranjitsinhji, who takes Gwynn’s place.
Gwynn makes his debut for Ireland against I Zingari in July 1892 and goes on to play for Ireland 13 times, his last game coming in May 1902 against Marylebone. Two of his matches for Ireland have first-class status.
Gwynn also plays first-class cricket in two Gentlemen v Players matches, representing the gentlemen, and four matches for Dublin University in 1895, for whom he makes his top score of 153 not out against Leicestershire. In all, he amasses 3,195 runs and 311 wickets for Dublin University, in addition to 499 runs and 14 wickets for Ireland.
Remarkably, Gwynn also represents Ireland seven times at rugby union, debuting against Scotland at Belfast in February 1893. He features in all three legs of Ireland’s 1894 Triple Crown-winning campaign.
In 1901 Gwynn marries Katharine Rawlins of Bristol. He is already suffering from persistent symptoms of debility and fatigue. A few months later a Harley Street physician diagnoses tuberculosis. He is admitted to a sanatorium at Davos Platz in Switzerland, but the illness has progressed too far for any treatment to succeed. He dies on December 23, 1902, at the age of 29. The couple’s only child, a daughter named Rhoda, is born in September 1902, just three months before his death.
Cunningham is born in 1728 or 1729 at Ballymacilhoyle in the parish of Killead, County Antrim, the youngest son in the large family of John Cunningham and his wife, Jane, daughter of James Waddell of Islandderry, a townland in the parish of Dromore, County Down. The extended families of Cunningham and Waddell have interests in farming, linen, provisioning, and overseas trade. By 1752, no doubt with support from his family, Cunningham is in New York City trading near the meal market. Just as the Seven Years’ War is beginning in May 1757, he becomes the local partner of a Belfast merchant, Thomas Greg. While carrying on a wide range of commercial activities, the firm of Greg & Cunningham specialises in the flaxseed trade with Ireland and becomes “the most successful Irish American transatlantic trading partnership of the colonial period.” He amasses a large fortune from trade, some of it illicit, during the war, and becomes one of the largest shipowners in the American port. This enables the partners to purchase a 150-acre estate, which they rename “Belfast,” on the West Indies island of Dominica, just as it is passing, by the Treaty of Paris (1763), from French to British rule. It is possible that the estate is managed by Greg’s brother, John.
Sometime after suffering imprisonment for assaulting a fellow merchant (July–August 1763), Cunningham returns to Ireland, leaving the firm in the charge of junior partners until its dissolution in 1775. In Belfast he enters into a second partnership with Greg in May 1765 comprising all their business activities other than those in New York. In November 1765, he also marries Greg’s sister-in-law Margaret, second daughter of a Belfast merchant, Samuel Hyde. He lives in a large house in Hercules Street, later renamed Royal Avenue, which serves also as the premises for his many business interests, commercial, financial, industrial, and agricultural. In 1767, he and Greg start the manufacture of vitriol at a factory by the River Lagan at Lisburn, 12 km from Belfast. They open up fisheries in Donegal and Sligo, exporting herring to the West Indies as food for slaves. They also trade Irish horses and mules for West Indian sugar and American tobacco, the sugar being processed by them at the New Sugar House in Waring Street, Belfast. During the American Revolutionary War (1775–83), he illegally ships linen uniforms to the insurgent colonists. He becomes a middleman on the estate of Arthur Chichester, 5th Earl of Donegall, by obtaining leases of land in the Templepatrick district of County Antrim, a venture that involves him in disputes with tenant farmers resulting in an attack by the Hearts of Steel on Belfast and the destruction by fire of his home on December 23, 1771.
Despite this setback, Cunningham becomes the foremost Belfast merchant. As well as those mentioned, he has interests in shipping, brewing, glass manufacture and flour milling. When a chamber of commerce is set up in 1783, he is elected president, a position he holds until 1790. In the 1780s, in partnership with William Brown, John Campbell and Charles Ranken, he opens a bank. Known as Cunningham’s Bank, it closes on December 31, 1793, likely as a result of the recession brought on by the outbreak of war between England and France.
A prominent Volunteer, Cunningham joins the movement as a lieutenant in 1778 and is captain of the 1st Belfast company from 1780 until the dissolution of the Volunteers in 1793. Entering politics, he fails to be nominated as a parliamentary candidate for Belfast by its patron, Lord Donegall, at the general election of 1783, but stands for Carrickfergus at a February 1784 by-election on a platform of parliamentary reform and is returned – a rare distinction for a Presbyterian – by 474 votes to 289. A petition against his return is lodged successfully, but he remains an MP until March 1785, when he is defeated in a new election. It is during this period that he, probably the wealthiest, most enterprising merchant in Belfast and having, as he does, Caribbean interests, proposes in December 1784 fitting out a ship to engage in the Atlantic slave trade. The proposal comes to nothing but is the subject of intense debate in the 1920s between two rival Belfast local historians, Francis Joseph Bigger and Samuel Shannon Millin.
Cunningham plays a prominent role on several Belfast boards – those of White Linen Hall, the harbour, poorhouse, and dispensary. He gives money to the first Catholic chapel, St. Mary’s, opened in the town in 1784, and to the First Belfast Presbyterian congregation, as well as providing a site for a meeting house for his own congregation, Second Belfast, in 1767. Staunch in his advocacy of the reform of parliament, he becomes a member of the Northern Whig Club in 1790. He is cautious, however, about Catholic relief, for he fears its possible consequences. On July 14, 1792, an organiser of a Volunteer display to mark the third anniversary of the fall of the Bastille, he balks even at a very moderately worded resolution in favour of the Catholics. Thereafter he becomes increasingly ill-disposed toward reform and when the Belfast yeoman infantry is formed in 1797, he becomes captain of the 4th company.
Cunningham dies on December 15, 1797, at his restored house in Hercules Street. He and his wife have no children. His property in Ireland (worth £60,000) passes to James Douglas, youngest son of his sister Jane, who had married their first cousin, Cunningham’s personal clerk Robert Douglas. His name had already passed to Thomas Greg’s son, Cunningham Greg, who takes over Greg’s business after his death. Cunningham’s portrait is painted by Robert Home. A mausoleum is built over the Cunningham vault at Knockbreda Church cemetery overlooking Belfast.
(From: “Cunningham, Waddell” by C. J. Woods, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Barnhill, a right‐wing member of the Protestant‐based Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), which rules the British province, is the first member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland to die in two years of violence that have resulted in 196 deaths up to this point.
Barnhill’s wife says that the senator had gone to answer the door at their home, close to the border with the Republic of Ireland. She says she heard two shots and found her husband lying near the door with a gunman kneeling at his side. Then, she says, a second man helps drag him into the main room, where the attackers plant a gelignite bomb beside his body.
Barnhill, 63 years old, has been a Senator for ten years. He often is outspoken in public denunciations of the outlawed Irish Republican Army (IRA) for its terrorist campaign to overthrow the provincial government. He is an officer in the Orange Order, the powerful Freemasonry of Northern Ireland Protestants, and a director of a Londonderry seed company.
The police say that Mrs. Barnhill ran for help from the ruins of her home and is admitted to a hospital under treatment for shock.
At least 28 people die in the violence of the previous nine days, fifteen of them in an explosion on December 4 that wrecks a bar in a Roman Catholic area.
The leadership of the Irish Republican Army disclaims responsibility for the bombs and charges that they were set off as acts of provocation by the British Army. The British dismiss the charge as ludicrous.
The IRA, fighting for the separation of predominantly Protestant Northern Ireland from Britain and its merger with the Republic of Ireland to the south, has threatened to destroy Belfast‘s center by Christmas. Mass arrests fail to halt the latest wave of violence.
Preaching in St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Armagh, Ireland’s ecclesiastical capital, the Belfast‐born Cardinal delivers his toughest attack yet on the latest incidents, which include the fatal shooting of a parttime soldier in his home in front of his five children, and the bombing the previous day of a Protestant‐owned Belfast furniture showroom, in which four people are killed and nineteen are injured.
A plaque commemorating Barnhill’s murder is unveiled at Stormont on the 30th anniversary of his death on December 12, 2001.
(From: “Rightist Ulster Senator Slain by Gunmen in Home,” The New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com, December 13, 1971)
On the evening of December 3, 2012, hundreds of protesters gather outside Belfast City Hall as the Belfast City Council votes to limit the days that the Union Jack, the flag of the United Kingdom, flies from City Hall. Since 1906, the flag has been flown every day of the year. This is reduced to eighteen specific days a year, the minimum requirement for UK government buildings. The move to limit the number of days is backed by the council’s Irish nationalists while the Alliance Party abstains from the vote. It is opposed by the unionist councillors.
Minutes after the vote, protesters break into the back courtyard and try to force open the doors of the building. Two security staff and a press photographer are injured, and windows of cars in the courtyard are smashed. Protesters then clash with the police, injuring fifteen officers.
Ulster loyalists and British nationalists hold street protests throughout Northern Ireland. They see the council’s decision as part of a wider “cultural war” against “Britishness” in Northern Ireland. Throughout December and January, protests are held almost daily and most involve the protesters blocking roads while carrying Union Flags and banners. Some of these protests lead to clashes between loyalists and the police, sparking riots. Rioters attack police with petrol bombs, bricks, stones and fireworks. Police respond with plastic bullets and water cannon. Alliance Party offices and the homes of Alliance Party members are attacked, while Belfast City Councillors are sent death threats. According to police, some of the violence is orchestrated by high-ranking members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Loyalists also put up thousands of Union flags in public places, which further heightened tension.
After February 2013, the protests become smaller and less frequent, and lead to greater loyalist protests about related issues, such as restrictions on traditional loyalist marches.
Prime Minister of the United KingdomDavid Cameron condemns the protests, saying “violence is absolutely unjustified in those and in other circumstances.” MPNaomi Long says that Northern Ireland is facing “an incredibly volatile and extremely serious situation.” She also calls on Cameron to intervene after a police car outside her office is firebombed with a policewoman escaping injury in early December.
The Police Service of Northern Ireland‘s (PSNI) Chief ConstableMatt Baggott blames the violence on the UVF for “orchestrating violence for their own selfish motives. Everyone involved needs to step back. The lack of control is very worrying. The only answer is a political solution. Otherwise, this will eat into our ability to deal with drugs, into our ability to deal with alcohol issues, and deal with what is a very severe dissident threat.”
In September 2013, business representatives in Belfast reveal that the flag protests had resulted in losses totaling £50 million in the year to July 2013.
(Pictured: The Union Flag flying atop Belfast City Hall in 2006. The statue of Queen Victoria is in the foreground.)
Thompson is the eldest son of William Thompson, a prosperous linen merchant, and Elizabeth Thompson (née Callwell). He has at least two older sisters and several younger brothers. His mother’s father is Robert Callwell, a printer, book-collector, partner in the Commercial Bank, Belfast, and one of the owners of the Northern Star newspaper.
After attending the Royal Belfast Academical Institution (RBAI) from 1818, Thompson is apprenticed in the linen business of William Sinclair in 1821. When his apprenticeship ends, he goes with his cousin George Langtry, later a wealthy shipowner, on a four-month tour (May–September 1826) of the Low Countries, the Rhine, Switzerland, and Italy. On his return to Belfast, he sets up his own business in linen bleaching. Despite early success, losses are incurred. As family and economic circumstances change, he increasingly concentrates on his natural history studies. By 1831 he has given up business. A self-taught naturalist, related by ties of kinship or friendship to most of the liberal and cultivated families of the “northern Athens,” he is shy and fastidious, but is persuaded in 1826 to join the Belfast Natural History Society by its founder, his friend James Lawson Drummond. He reads his first scientific paper, The Birds of the Copeland Islands, to the society on August 13, 1827. In that year he becomes a member of the Belfast Natural History Society’s council, and in 1833 he is chosen as one of the society’s vice-presidents. He is president from 1843 until his death.
Thompson becomes the most important naturalist in mid nineteenth-century Ireland. From 1827 to 1852 he contributes almost eighty papers on Irish natural history to the Magazine of Zoology and Botany and the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London. From 1836 to 1851 he contributes to The Magazine of Natural History. Invited to travel to the Levant and the Aegean Sea in April–July 1841 with Edward Forbes, professor of natural history at the University of Edinburgh, on HMS Beacon, he observes twenty-three species of birds on migratory flights and publishes “Notice of migratory birds” in The Annals of Natural History. His authoritative observations add considerably to knowledge of the still-to-be-ascertained details of migratory patterns. Indeed, some people refuse to believe, even at that date, that birds do migrate. He publishes other papers in the same journal during 1841–43. At a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Glasgow in 1840 his Report on the fauna of Ireland (Vertebrata) attracts favourable notice. He presents and publishes a second and final part enumerating the invertebrates at the Cork meeting of the British Association in August 1843. The two reports form the most complete catalogue of Irish fauna yet published. Thanks to an assiduous correspondence with a network of informants, as well as his own extensive observations, he adds perhaps more than 800 species to Irish fauna lists.
Thompson’s chief work, The Natural History of Ireland, becomes the standard text in Irish zoology in the nineteenth century. The first three volumes, published between 1849 and 1851, deal with birds, particularly their habits and habitats rather than physical descriptions. He is one of the first naturalists to note the effects of industrialisation and other human activities on birdlife. He leaves instructions for his manuscripts on the remaining vertebrates and all the invertebrates to be prepared for publication by Robert Patterson and James Ramsey Garrett. Robert Ball and George Dickie also assist. His notes, though detailed and comprehensive, all require checking, and are found on tiny scraps of paper, even scribbled on the flaps of old envelopes. James Thompson of Macedon, Belfast, painstakingly gums them all into blank notebooks to facilitate the work of his brother’s literary executors, who preface the posthumous publication in 1856 with a lengthy memoir of their friend.
From about 1820 to 1852 Thompson lives with his mother at 1 Donegall Square West, Belfast, commuting from Holywood House, Holywood, County Down, during the summer. His daily routine begins with research, correspondence, or writing for publications for four hours after breakfast. After a two- or three-hour exercise period and dinner, he returns to work for a further two to three hours. He is president of the Belfast Literary Society (1837–39) and also an enthusiastic patron of the visual arts in the city. He enjoys hunting, wildfowling, shooting in Scotland, and gardening, though his health deteriorates from the 1840s.
Early in 1852 Thompson travels to London to make arrangements for that year’s Belfast meeting of the British Association. On February 15 he becomes ill, having suffered a minor stroke. He dies, unmarried, at his Jermyn Street lodgings on the day he is due to return home, February 17, 1852. He is buried in Clifton Street Cemetery, Belfast. He bequeaths his collection to the Belfast Natural History Society, and in March 1852 the Society adds a memorial Thompson Room to its museum, paid for by subscription.
Thompson is a corresponding member of natural history societies in Boston and Philadelphia and has many friends. He is known to assist many other researchers in Ireland, Britain, and the Continent. One of those who thinks highly of his work is Charles Darwin, with whom he corresponds. He also helps many local people, including the poet Francis Davis, with money and practical assistance. He is much loved, and his friends are deeply saddened by his death. His niece, Sydney Mary Thompson, later known by her married surname, Christen, who is born in Belfast, is an amateur naturalist, geologist, and artist, one of the first women to achieve distinction in geology.
(From: “Thompson, William” by Andrew O’Brien and Linde Lunney, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
McCartney takes part in the civil rights march in Derry on January 30, 1972, an event widely known as Bloody Sunday. One of his cousins, James Wray, is one of fourteen men shot and killed by the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment of the British Army on that march. As a result of this incident, he joins the Provisional IRA several months later. In 1974, Martin McGuinness, who commands the IRA in Derry, instructs him to beat up an Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) man, Patsy O’Hara, who McGuinness calls a “scumbag” and a “hood.” On January 12, 1979, at Belfast‘s Crown Court, he and another man, Eamonn MacDermott, are convicted of the murder of Detective Constable Patrick McNulty of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), who was shot several times outside a garage in Derry on January 27, 1977. He is also convicted of IRA membership and the murder of businessman Jeffery Agate in February 1977 and is sentenced to life imprisonment. The murder convictions are overturned in 2007.
McCartney spends 53 days on hunger strike, from October 27 to December 18. From 1989–91 he is Officer Commanding of the IRA prisoners in the H-Blocks and is released in 1994.
Following his release, McCartney is active with ex-prisoners’ groups Tar Abhaile and Coiste na n-Íarchimí, and is the first member of Sinn Féin to hear his own voice heard on television after the lifting of the British broadcasting ban in 1994. He is arrested on April 4, 2002, following a breach of security at Belfast’s police headquarters, but is released without charge the following day. Later that year, on September 5, he is the first former IRA member to appear before the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, and encourages anyone with information, including paramilitaries, to come forward. He is a member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for Foyle from July 15, 2004, until February 3, 2020.
On February 15, 2007, McCartney and MacDermott have their murder convictions quashed by the Court of Appeal, following an investigation by the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) in 2002. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland declines to compensate McCartney and MacDermott on the grounds that they have not proven themselves innocent. The decision is appealed to the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom which, in May 2011, finds in favour of the applicants, opening the way for a substantial compensation claim from both for their prison terms of 15 and 17 years.
McCorley is born into a Roman Catholic family at 67 Hillman Street in Belfast on September 6, 1901. He is one of three children born to Roger Edmund McCorley, a meat carver in a hotel, and Agnes Liggett. He has two elder brothers, Vincent and Felix. He joins the Fianna in his teens. His family has a very strong republican tradition, and he claims to be the great-grandson of the United Irishmen folk hero Roddy McCorley, who was executed for his part in the Irish Rebellion of 1798.
McCorley is noted for his militancy, as he is in favour of armed attacks on British forces in Belfast. The Brigade’s leaders, by contrast, in particular, Joe McKelvey, are wary of sanctioning attacks for fear of loyalist reprisals on republicans and the Catholic population in general. In addition, McCorley is in favour of conducting an armed defense of Catholic areas, whereas McKelvey does not want the IRA to get involved in what he considers to be sectarian violence. McCorley writes later that in the end, “the issue settled itself within a very short space of time, when the Orange mob was given uniforms, paid for by the British, and called the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC).” The role of the USC, a temporary police force raised for counter-insurgency purposes, in the conflict is still debated, but republicans maintain that the organization was responsible for the indiscriminate killings of Catholics and nationalists.
On January 26, 1921, McCorley, is involved in the fatal shooting of three Auxiliary Division officers in their beds in the Railway View hotel in central Belfast. Shortly afterwards, he and another IRA man, Seamus Woods, organize an active service unit (ASU) within the first battalion of the Belfast Brigade, with the intention of carrying out attacks, with or without the approval of the Brigade leadership. The unit consists of 32 men. McCorley later writes, “I issued a general order that, where reprisal gangs [State forces] were cornered, no prisoners were to be taken.” In March 1921, he personally leads the ASU in the killing of three Black and Tans in Victoria Street in central Belfast. He is responsible for the deaths of two more Auxiliaries in Donegall Place in April. In reprisal for these shootings, members of the RIC assassinate two republican activists, the Duffin brothers in Clonard Gardens in west Belfast. On June 10, 1921, both and Woods and McCorley units are involved in the killing a RIC man who is suspected in the revenge killings of the Duffin brothers. Two RIC men and a civilian are also wounded in that attack.
Thereafter, there is what historian Robert Lynch has described as a “savage underground war” between McCorley’s ASU and RIC personnel based in Springfield Road barracks and led by an Inspector Ferris. Ferris is accused of murdering the Lord Mayor of Cork Thomas Mac Curtain and had been posted to Lisburn for his safety. Ferris himself is among the casualties, being shot in the chest and neck, but surviving. McCorley claims to have been one of the four IRA men who shot Ferris. In addition, his men bomb and burn a number of businesses including several cinemas and a Reform Club. In May 1921, however, thirteen of his best men are arrested when surrounded by British troops during an operation in County Cavan. They are held in Crumlin Road Gaol and sentenced to death.
On June 3, McCorley organizes an attack on Crumlin Road Gaol in an attempt to rescue the IRA men held there before they are executed. The operation is not a success; however, the condemned men are reprieved after a truce is agreed between the IRA and British forces in July 1921. On Bloody Sunday (July 10, 1921), he is a major leader in the defense of nationalist areas from attacks by both the police and loyalists. On that day twenty people are killed before he negotiates a truce beginning at noon on July 11. At least 100 people are wounded, about 200 houses are destroyed or badly damaged – most of them Catholic homes, leaving 1,000 people homeless.
In April 1922, McCorley becomes leader of the IRA Belfast Brigade after Joe McKelvey goes south to Dublin to join other IRA members who are against the Anglo-Irish Treaty. With McKelvey’s departure, Seamus Woods becomes Officer Commanding of the IRA’s 3rd Northern Division, which has up to 1,000 members, with McCorley designated as Vice Officer Commanding. McCorley for his part, supports the Treaty, despite the fact that it provides for the partition of Ireland and the continued British rule in Northern Ireland. The reason for this is that Michael Collins and Eoin O’Duffy have assured him that this is only a tactical move and indeed, Collins sends men, money and weapons to the IRA in the North throughout 1922.
However, McCorley’s command sees the collapse of the Belfast IRA. In May 1922, the IRA launches an offensive with attacks all across Northern Ireland. In Belfast, he carries out an assault on Musgrave Street RIC barracks. He also conducts an arson campaign on businesses in Belfast. His men also carry out a number of assassinations, including that of Ulster Unionist PartyMPWilliam J. Twaddell, which causes the internment of over 200 Belfast IRA men.
To escape from the subsequent repression, McCorley and over 900 Northern IRA men flee south, to the Irish Free State, where they are housed in the Curragh. McCorley is put in command of these men. In June 1922, the Irish Civil War breaks out between Pro and Anti-Treaty elements of the IRA. He takes the side of the Free State and Michael Collins. After Collins is killed in August 1922, his men are stood down. About 300 of them join the National Army and are sent to County Kerry to put down anti-Treaty guerrillas there. In the Spring of 1923, bitterly disillusioned by the brutal counterinsurgency against fellow republicans, he resigns his command.
McCorley later asserts that he “hated the Treaty” and only supported it because it allowed Ireland to have its own armed forces. Both he and Seamus Woods are severe critics of the Irish Free State inertia towards Northern Ireland after the death of Michael Collins. He comments that when Collins was killed “the Northern element gave up all hope.”
In 1936 McCorley is instrumental in the establishment of the All-Ireland Old IRA Men’s Organization, serving as Vice-President with President Liam Deasy (Cork No. 3 Brigade) and Secretary George Lennon (Waterford No. 2 Brigade).
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