Gray is the second son of Sir John Gray and his wife, Anna Dwyer. He has three brothers and two sisters. After receiving his education, he joins his father in managing the Freeman’s Journal, the oldest nationalist newspaper in Ireland. When his father dies in 1875, he takes over proprietorship of the Journal, and his family’s other newspaper properties such as the Belfast Morning News and the Dublin Evening Telegraph.
In 1868, Gray saves five people from drowning in a wrecked schooner at Killiney Bay, an action for which he receives the Tayleur Fund Gold Medal for bravery from the Royal Humane Society. By coincidence, the rescue is witnessed by his future wife, Caroline Agnes Gray, whom he meets shortly afterwards. Agnes is the daughter of Caroline Chisholm, an English humanitarian renowned for her work in female immigrant welfare in Australia, and although Gray is descended from a Protestant family, he converts to Catholicism to marry her. The wedding in London on July 17, 1869, is conducted by the Bishop of Northampton, Francis Amherst. The couple has one son, Edmund Dwyer-Gray, who eventually takes over from his father as proprietor of his newspapers and goes on to become Premier of Tasmania.
From 1875 to 1883, Gray serves as a member of the Dublin Corporation, and in 1880 serves a term as Lord Mayor of Dublin. Unusual for an Irish nationalist politician, he is very much focused on urban rather than rural affairs, and like his father is heavily involved in public health and water provision for Dublin. He also promotes reform in the municipal health system.
Gray is imprisoned for six weeks in 1882 for remarks made in the Freeman’s Journal with regard to the composition of the jury in the case of a murder trial. He is actually Sheriff of Dublin City at the time of his imprisonment and, because of the conflict of office, is taken into custody by the city coroner. The defendant in the case in question is later hanged.
A heavy drinker and asthma sufferer, Gray dies at his home, Pembroke House, Upper Mount Street, Dublin, on March 27, 1888, at the age of 42 following a short illness. He is buried at Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin.
O’Hegarty is born on December 29, 1879, at Carrignavar, County Cork, to John and Katherine (née Hallahan) Hegarty. His parents’ families emigrate to the United States after the Great Famine, and his parents are married in Boston, Massachusetts. His father is a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB).
He is educated at North Monastery CBS, where he forms an enduring friendship with Terence MacSwiney. In 1888, his father dies of tuberculosis at the age of 42. Left destitute, his mother pawns her wedding ring to pay for an advertisement looking for work, and eventually becomes a cook.
He serves at the main Postal Sorting Office in Mount Pleasant, London, from 1902 to 1913. Along with J. J. Walsh, he spends three years at King’s College London, studying for the Secretary’s Office. While he succeeds in his studies, Walsh does not and returns to Ireland. O’Hegarty becomes the IRB representative for South East England and joins the Gaelic League and Sinn Féin and becomes a strong advocate of the Irish language. In 1905, he is elected secretary of the local Dungannon Club, which draws in as members Robert Lynd, Herbert Hughes and George Cavan. In 1907, as Sinn Féin’s London Secretary, he approves and signs the membership card of Michael Collins, later becoming friend and mentor to Collins.
He has to return to Ireland for a break due to overwork in 1909 and gives up some of his work for the Gaelic League. However, he takes over as editor of the IRB publication, Irish Freedom. It is in this publication that he famously writes, concerning the visit of King George V to Ireland in 1911: “Damn your concessions, England: we want our country!” In 1912, at the height of the Playboy riots, he writes four articles entitled “Art and the Nation” in Irish Freedom, which take a very liberal and inclusionist approach to Anglo-Irish literature and art in general but invokes the wrath of many of the paper’s readers.
In 1913, he is re-posted to Queenstown (present-day Cobh) as postmaster. He continues editing nationalist newspapers such as Irish Freedom (founded in 1910 and suppressed in December 1914 on account of its seditious content) and An tÉireannach and joins the Irish Volunteers. At the outbreak of war he is moved to Shrewsbury, probably on account of his political activities. In 1915, he marries Wilhelmina “Mina” Smyth, a schoolteacher and suffragist, and is then moved to Welshpool, Montgomeryshire. In the aftermath of the 1916 Easter Rising, he is opposed to physical force. In 1918, he refuses to take the British Oath of Allegiance and resigns his position in the Post Office.
O’Hegarty feels that the Abbey Theatre is “doing good for Ireland” and supports W. B. Yeats against attacks from Arthur Griffith and like-minded Nationalists. He opposes the extremist views of D. P. Moran, who seeks a Roman Catholic Irish-speaking Ireland.
He is Secretary of the Irish Department of Post and Telegraphs from 1922 to 1945. He is elected a member of the Irish Academy of Letters in 1954.
His son, Seán Ó hÉigeartaigh, is a founder of the Irish-language publishing house Sáirséal agus Dill. His daughter Gráinne, a harpist, marries Senator Michael Yeats, son of W. B. Yeats.
Pim is born in Dublin on September 21, 1909, to a Quaker father and English mother. She is a twin, but her brother dies. She is sent to the French School in Bray, County Wicklow, before being sent to Lausanne, Switzerland to finishing school. She then goes on to Girton College, Cambridge to study modern languages, intending to graduate with a degree in French and Italian. Her mother’s ill health and ultimate death in 1940, causes her to return to Ireland to look after her and she remains there taking care of her father, who dies in 1958, and an older incapacitated brother, Tom.
But these are good years for Pim with time to write, and during the 1950s and early 1960s she writes no fewer than seven novels, mostly crime fiction in a lighthearted style. During this time, she is a member of Irish PEN. She is also an avid amateur horticulturalist and writes for the magazine My Garden. Her more serious undertaking is a biography of the Irish plant collector Augustine Henry, The Wood and the Trees: A Biography of Augustine Henry (Macdonald, London). Her brother Tom dies in an accident in 1964 leaving Pim with no further responsibilities. This allows her to spend significant time researching through Henry’s papers. The book is published in 1966.
When Pim has completed the biography, she focuses on philanthropy. She dedicates her time to the Friends Historical Society and is particularly interested in helping out in the traveller community. She supports a young group of children and their grandfather. They bring her considerable joy. The Royal Horticultural Society of Ireland awards her the Society’s Medal of Honour and makes her an honorary life member for her services to the study of horticulture.
In Pim’s later years increasing deafness makes socialising difficult for her, but she still keeps up with the world of books, the theatre and painting. She reads The Irish Times from cover to cover every day, and her reading includes the Bible, Marcel Proust (in French) and the stories of Roddy Doyle.
Pim’s deafness finally forces her to move into sheltered housing in Dublin where she dies on December 16, 1995.
The statute increases the sovereignty of the self-governing Dominions of the British Empire from the United Kingdom. It also binds them all to seek each other’s approval for changes to monarchical titles and the common line of succession. The statute is effective either immediately or upon ratification. It thus becomes a statutory embodiment of the principles of equality and common allegiance to the Crown set out in the Balfour Declaration of 1926. As the statute removes nearly all of the British parliament’s authority to legislate for the Dominions, it is a crucial step in the development of the Dominions as separate, independent, and sovereign states.
The Irish Free State never formally adopts the Statute of Westminster, its Executive Council (cabinet) taking the view that the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 has already ended Westminster‘s right to legislate for the Irish Free State. The Constitution of the Irish Free State gives the Oireachtas “sole and exclusive power of making laws.” Hence, even before 1931, the Irish Free State does not arrest British Army and Royal Air Force deserters on its territory, even though the UK believes post-1922 British laws give the Free State’s Garda Síochána the power to do so. The UK’s Irish Free State Constitution Act 1922 says, however, “[n]othing in the [Free State] Constitution shall be construed as prejudicing the power of [the British] Parliament to make laws affecting the Irish Free State in any case where, in accordance with constitutional practice, Parliament would make laws affecting other self-governing Dominions.”
Motions of approval of the Report of the Commonwealth Conference had been passed by Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann in May 1931 and the final form of the Statute of Westminster includes the Irish Free State among the Dominions the British Parliament cannot legislate for without the Dominion’s request and consent. Originally, the UK government wants to exclude from the Statute of Westminster the legislation underpinning the 1921 treaty, from which the Free State’s constitution had emerged. Executive Council President (Prime Minister) W. T. Cosgrave objects, although he promises that the Executive Council will not amend the legislation unilaterally. The other Dominions back Cosgrave and, when an amendment to similar effect is proposed at Westminster by John Gretton, parliament duly votes it down. When the statute becomes law in the UK, Patrick McGilligan, the Free State Minister for External Affairs, states, “It is a solemn declaration by the British people through their representatives in Parliament that the powers inherent in the Treaty position are what we have proclaimed them to be for the last ten years.” He goes on to present the statute as largely the fruit of the Free State’s efforts to secure for the other Dominions the same benefits it already enjoys under the treaty. The Statute of Westminster has the effect of granting the Irish Free State internationally recognised independence.
Éamon de Valera leads Fianna Fáil to victory in the 1932 Irish general election on a platform of republicanising the Free State from within. Upon taking office, he begins removing the monarchical elements of the Constitution, beginning with the Oath of Allegiance. De Valera initially considers invoking the Statute of Westminster in making these changes, but John J. Hearne advises him to not do so. Abolishing the Oath of Allegiance in effect abrogates the 1921 treaty. Generally, the British believe that this is morally objectionable but legally permitted by the Statute of Westminster. Robert Lyon Moore, a Southern Unionist from County Donegal, challenges the legality of the abolition in the Irish Free State’s courts and then appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (JCPC) in London. However, the Free State has also abolished the right of appeal to the JCPC. In 1935, the JCPC rules that both abolitions are valid under the Statute of Westminster. The Irish Free State, which in 1937 is renamed Ireland, leaves the Commonwealth in 1949 upon the coming into force of The Republic of Ireland Act 1948.
The Statute of Westminster’s modified versions are now domestic law in Australia and Canada. It has been repealed in New Zealand and implicitly in former Dominions that are no longer Commonwealth realms.
Sinéad Marie Bernadette O’Connor, Irish singer-songwriter dubbed the first superstar of the 1990s by Rolling Stone magazine, is born on December 8, 1966, in Dublin. During her career she attracts publicity not only for her voice, which is alternately searing and soothing, but also for her controversial actions and statements.
O’Connor’s parents divorce when she is eight years old, and she and her siblings are sent to live with their abusive mother, who beats the children on a regular basis. Eventually, she leaves to live with her father and stepmother, but the child, who habitually shoplifts, proves to be too troublesome for the couple, and they send her to reform school. Although she hates the reform school, it is there that she makes her first contacts with the music world. A teacher introduces her to the drummer of a local band, In Tua Nua, and for a brief period she works with the band and even cowrites one of their hit singles. After a year and a half at the reform school, she is transferred to a boarding school in Waterford, but it proves unbearable. She eventually returns to Dublin, where she attempts to start her own music career.
In Dublin O’Connor eventually joins the pub rock band Ton Ton Macoute. In 1985, while singing with the group, she attracts the attention of the London-based record label Ensign Records, which asks her for a demo tape. Soon afterward she signs a contract with the label and begins work on her debut album, The Lion and the Cobra, which is released in 1987 to critical praise. She follows the album with the largely autobiographical I Do Not Want What I Haven’t Got (1990). The album is propelled to the top of the U.S. pop charts on the strength of the number one single “Nothing Compares 2 U”—a transcendent cover of a 1985 Prince song.
In the following year O’Connor attracts attention not only for her singing but also for a series of controversial statements, actions, and appearances, including refusing to appear on NBC’s Saturday Night Live because of objections to the week’s guest host, boycotting the 1991 Grammy Awards ceremony and declining to sing there, and refusing to allow the U.S. national anthem to be played before one of her performances. She also attracts criticism for her public support of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and for tearing up a picture of Pope John Paul II on Saturday Night Live in 1992. Nevertheless, she wins the Grammy Award for Best Alternative Music Album in 1991 for “I Do Not Want What I Haven’t Got” and continues to be highly regarded for her musical abilities.
In 1992 O’Connor releases an album of torch songs, Am I Not Your Girl?, which receives only minor publicity, and she releases a fourth album, Universal Mother, in 1994. Soon afterward she takes a hiatus from public life, spending time with her children and attending therapy in order to work through problems that linger from her harsh childhood. Her struggles with mental health continue throughout her life.
In 2018 O’Connor announces that she has converted to Islam and changes her name to Shuhadāʾ Sadaqat, although she states that she will continue to perform as Sinéad O’Connor. Her memoir, Rememberings (2021), receives broad critical praise, and she is the subject of the documentary Nothing Compares (2022).
(From: “Sinéad O’Connor,” written and fact checked by The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, http://www.britannica.com, last updated September 30, 2024)
Gregory becomes involved in republican politics, joining Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in 1964. In UCD he helps found the UCD Republican Club, despite pressure from college authorities, and becomes involved with the Dublin Housing Action Committee. Within the party he is a supporter of Wicklow Republican Seamus Costello. Costello, who is a member of Wicklow County Council, emphasises involvement in local politics and is an opponent of abstentionism. Gregory sides with the Officials in the 1970 split within Sinn Féin. Despite having a promising future within the party, he resigns in 1972 citing frustration with ideological infighting in the party. Later, Costello, who had been expelled by Official Sinn Féin, approaches him and asks him to join his new party, the Irish Republican Socialist Party. He leaves the party after Costello’s assassination in 1977. He is briefly associated with the Socialist Labour Party.
Gregory contests the 1979 local elections for Dublin City Council as a “Dublin Community Independent” candidate. At the February 1982 general election, he is elected to Dáil Éireann as an Independent TD. On his election he immediately achieves national prominence through the famous “Gregory Deal,” which he negotiates with Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey. In return for supporting Haughey as Taoiseach, he is guaranteed a massive cash injection for his inner-city Dublin constituency, an area beset by poverty and neglect.
Although Gregory is reviled in certain quarters for effectively holding a government to ransom, his uncompromising commitment to the poor is widely admired. Fianna Fáil loses power at the November 1982 general election, and many of the promises made in the Gregory Deal are not implemented by the incoming Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition.
Gregory is involved in the 1980s in tackling Dublin’s growing drug problem. Heroin had largely been introduced to Dublin by the Dunne criminal group, based in Crumlin, in the late 1970s. In 1982 a report reveals that 10% of 15- to 24-year-olds have used heroin at least once in the north inner city. The spread of heroin use also leads to a sharp increase in petty crime. He confronts the government’s handling of the problem as well as senior Gardaí, for what he sees as their inadequate response to the problem. He co-ordinates with the Concerned Parents Against Drugs group in 1986, who protest and highlight the activities of local drug dealers and defend the group against accusations by government Ministers Michael Noonan and Barry Desmond that it is a front for the Provisional IRA. He believes that the solution to the problem is multi-faceted and works on a number of policy level efforts across policing, service co-ordination and rehabilitation of addicts. In 1995 in an article in The Irish Times, he proposes what would later become the Criminal Assets Bureau, which is set up in 1996, catalysed by the death of journalistVeronica Guerin. His role in its development is later acknowledged by then Minister for JusticeNora Owen.
Gregory also advocates for Dublin’s street traders. After attending a sit-down protest with Sinn Féin Councillor Christy Burke, and future Labour Party TD Joe Costello on Dublin’s O’Connell Street in defence of a street trader, he, Burke and four others are arrested and charged with obstruction and threatening behaviour. He spends two weeks in Mountjoy Prison after refusing to sign a bond to keep the peace.
Gregory remains a TD from 1982 and, although he never holds a government position, remains one of the country’s most recognised Dáil deputies. He always refuses to wear a tie in the Dáil chamber stating that many of his constituents could not afford them.
Gregory dies on January 2, 2009, following a long battle with cancer. Following his death, tributes pour in from politicians from every party, recognising his contribution to Dublin’s north inner city. During his funeral, politicians from the Labour Party, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are told that although they speak highly of Gregory following his death, during his time in the Dáil he had been excluded by many of them and that they were not to use his funeral as a “photo opportunity.” He is buried on January 7, with the Socialist Party‘s Joe Higgins delivering the graveside oration.
Thompson is the eldest son of William Thompson, a prosperous linen merchant, and Elizabeth Thompson (née Callwell). He has at least two older sisters and several younger brothers. His mother’s father is Robert Callwell, a printer, book-collector, partner in the Commercial Bank, Belfast, and one of the owners of the Northern Star newspaper.
After attending the Royal Belfast Academical Institution (RBAI) from 1818, Thompson is apprenticed in the linen business of William Sinclair in 1821. When his apprenticeship ends, he goes with his cousin George Langtry, later a wealthy shipowner, on a four-month tour (May–September 1826) of the Low Countries, the Rhine, Switzerland, and Italy. On his return to Belfast, he sets up his own business in linen bleaching. Despite early success, losses are incurred. As family and economic circumstances change, he increasingly concentrates on his natural history studies. By 1831 he has given up business. A self-taught naturalist, related by ties of kinship or friendship to most of the liberal and cultivated families of the “northern Athens,” he is shy and fastidious, but is persuaded in 1826 to join the Belfast Natural History Society by its founder, his friend James Lawson Drummond. He reads his first scientific paper, The Birds of the Copeland Islands, to the society on August 13, 1827. In that year he becomes a member of the Belfast Natural History Society’s council, and in 1833 he is chosen as one of the society’s vice-presidents. He is president from 1843 until his death.
Thompson becomes the most important naturalist in mid nineteenth-century Ireland. From 1827 to 1852 he contributes almost eighty papers on Irish natural history to the Magazine of Zoology and Botany and the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London. From 1836 to 1851 he contributes to The Magazine of Natural History. Invited to travel to the Levant and the Aegean Sea in April–July 1841 with Edward Forbes, professor of natural history at the University of Edinburgh, on HMS Beacon, he observes twenty-three species of birds on migratory flights and publishes “Notice of migratory birds” in The Annals of Natural History. His authoritative observations add considerably to knowledge of the still-to-be-ascertained details of migratory patterns. Indeed, some people refuse to believe, even at that date, that birds do migrate. He publishes other papers in the same journal during 1841–43. At a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Glasgow in 1840 his Report on the fauna of Ireland (Vertebrata) attracts favourable notice. He presents and publishes a second and final part enumerating the invertebrates at the Cork meeting of the British Association in August 1843. The two reports form the most complete catalogue of Irish fauna yet published. Thanks to an assiduous correspondence with a network of informants, as well as his own extensive observations, he adds perhaps more than 800 species to Irish fauna lists.
Thompson’s chief work, The Natural History of Ireland, becomes the standard text in Irish zoology in the nineteenth century. The first three volumes, published between 1849 and 1851, deal with birds, particularly their habits and habitats rather than physical descriptions. He is one of the first naturalists to note the effects of industrialisation and other human activities on birdlife. He leaves instructions for his manuscripts on the remaining vertebrates and all the invertebrates to be prepared for publication by Robert Patterson and James Ramsey Garrett. Robert Ball and George Dickie also assist. His notes, though detailed and comprehensive, all require checking, and are found on tiny scraps of paper, even scribbled on the flaps of old envelopes. James Thompson of Macedon, Belfast, painstakingly gums them all into blank notebooks to facilitate the work of his brother’s literary executors, who preface the posthumous publication in 1856 with a lengthy memoir of their friend.
From about 1820 to 1852 Thompson lives with his mother at 1 Donegall Square West, Belfast, commuting from Holywood House, Holywood, County Down, during the summer. His daily routine begins with research, correspondence, or writing for publications for four hours after breakfast. After a two- or three-hour exercise period and dinner, he returns to work for a further two to three hours. He is president of the Belfast Literary Society (1837–39) and also an enthusiastic patron of the visual arts in the city. He enjoys hunting, wildfowling, shooting in Scotland, and gardening, though his health deteriorates from the 1840s.
Early in 1852 Thompson travels to London to make arrangements for that year’s Belfast meeting of the British Association. On February 15 he becomes ill, having suffered a minor stroke. He dies, unmarried, at his Jermyn Street lodgings on the day he is due to return home, February 17, 1852. He is buried in Clifton Street Cemetery, Belfast. He bequeaths his collection to the Belfast Natural History Society, and in March 1852 the Society adds a memorial Thompson Room to its museum, paid for by subscription.
Thompson is a corresponding member of natural history societies in Boston and Philadelphia and has many friends. He is known to assist many other researchers in Ireland, Britain, and the Continent. One of those who thinks highly of his work is Charles Darwin, with whom he corresponds. He also helps many local people, including the poet Francis Davis, with money and practical assistance. He is much loved, and his friends are deeply saddened by his death. His niece, Sydney Mary Thompson, later known by her married surname, Christen, who is born in Belfast, is an amateur naturalist, geologist, and artist, one of the first women to achieve distinction in geology.
(From: “Thompson, William” by Andrew O’Brien and Linde Lunney, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Ware is born on November 16, 1594, in Castle Street, Dublin, eldest surviving son among ten children of Sir James Ware, auditor general, and his wife Mary Bryden, sister of Sir Ambrose Briden of Maidstone, Kent, England, whose house provides Ware’s base in England. His father, a Yorkshireman, comes to Ireland in the train of Lord Deputy of Ireland Sir William FitzWilliam in 1588 and builds up a substantial landed estate. He enters Trinity College Dublin (TCD), where his father is the college auditor, as a fellow commoner in 1605 and is presented a silver standing bowl in 1609. His association with the college continues, as he particularly remembers the philosophy lectures of Anthony Martin, who becomes a fellow in 1611. He takes his MA on January 8, 1628, but by then he has already launched on his future course. His father procures him the reversion of his office in 1613, and by 1620 he already owns the Annals of Ulster and is taking notes from the Black Book of Christ Church. In 1621, he marries Elizabeth Newman, daughter of Jacob Newman, one of the six clerks in chancery. Newman becomes clerk of the rolls in 1629, which apparently facilitates Ware’s assiduous research in the Irish public records.
From Ware’s numerous surviving notebooks, it is possible to follow his scholarly tracks over the rest of his life. He is particularly concerned to trace the succession of the Irish bishops. The first fruits appear in print in 1626, Archiepiscoporum Cassiliensium et Tuamensium . . . adjicitur historia coenobiorum Cisterciensium Hiberniae, followed in 1628 by De presulibus Lageniae . . ., the whole to be rounded off in 1665 with De presulibus Hiberniae. . . . However, he has wide interests in Irish history and in 1633 edits Edmund Spenser‘s A View of the Present State of Irelande and the Irish histories of Edmund Campion, Meredith Hanmer, and Henry of Marlborough. The first Irish biographical dictionary follows in 1639, De scriptoribus Hiberniae. Both publications are dedicated to the viceroy, Thomas Wentworth. In public life he is a supporter, first of Wentworth, later of James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormond, rather than a leader, and always a stout royalist. He is knighted in 1630 and following his father’s death in 1632 he succeeds as auditor general. He is elected member of parliament for Dublin University in 1634, 1640, and 1661, but is not admitted to the Privy Council of Ireland until 1640.
Shortly after the outbreak of rebellion in October 1641, Ware is in England, and in London at the time of the passing of the Adventurers’ Act 1640, presumably on the council’s business. During Ormond’s prolonged negotiations with the confederates, he is sent to advise the king at Oxford in November 1645. While there he works in the Bodleian Library and is incorporated into the university as a Doctor of Civil Law. On his way back to Ireland in January 1646, he is captured at sea by a parliament ship and held prisoner in the Tower of London until October 1646.
When Ormond is arranging the surrender of Dublin to the parliament in the summer of 1647, Ware is sent to London as one of the hostages for his performance of the terms. Back in Dublin he has been replaced as auditor general but is able to carry on his work on the public records. In 1648 he publishes the catalogue of his manuscript library. As a leading royalist he is unwelcome to those governing the city for the parliament and is sent into exile in France on April 7, 1649, with his eldest son, also James, who already holds the reversion of the auditor generalship and eventually succeeds his father. He is allowed to live in London from October 1650, and from 1653, when hostilities end in Ireland, he is allowed brief visits there, perhaps taking up residence again in 1658.
Ware’s years in London are spent in the library of Archbishop of ArmaghJames Ussher, then in Lincoln’s Inn, and in the Royal, Cotton, Carew, and Dodsworth libraries. He publishes his De Hibernia et antiquitatibus ejus disquisitiones in 1654, lamenting the inaccessibility of his notes, then in Dublin. The second edition, published in 1658, also includes the annals of Henry VII. His Opuscula Sancto Patricio . . . adscripta . . . appears in 1656. In it he remarks that his knowledge of the Irish language is not expert enough for an edition of the ‘Lorica’. According to Roderick O’Flaherty, Ware can read and understand but not speak Irish. For the older language he employs Irish scholars, Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh being the last and most learned. The 1660 Stuart Restoration sees him back as auditor general and one of the commissioners for the Irish land settlement. He publishes annals of Henry VIII in 1662, and in 1664 annals for 1485–1558.
Ware dies in his house in Castle Street on December 1, 1666, and is buried in the family vault in St. Werburgh’s Church, Dublin. He has numerous friends among the scholars of the day, including Irish Franciscans, across the sectarian divide. While clergy lists are still partly dependent on his work, his notebooks and manuscripts remain of first importance for the study of medieval Ireland. Of his ten children, two boys and two girls survive him. His wife dies on June 9, 1651. The engraving by George Vertue prefixed to Harris’ edition of Ware’s Works is claimed to be based on a portrait in the possession of the family.
(From: “Ware, Sir James” by William O’Sullivan, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Orpen is the fourth and youngest son of Arthur Herbert Orpen (1830–1926), a solicitor, and his wife, Anne Caulfield (1834–1912), the eldest daughter of the Right Rev. Charles Caulfield (1804–1862), the Bishop of Nassau. Both his parents are amateur painters, and his eldest brother, Richard Caulfield Orpen, becomes a notable architect. His nieces are Bea Orpen and Kathleen Delap. The historian Goddard Henry Orpen is his second cousin. The family lives at “Oriel,” a large house with extensive grounds containing stables and a tennis court. He appears to have a happy childhood there.
Orpen is a naturally talented painter, and six weeks before his thirteenth birthday is enrolled at the Dublin Metropolitan School of Art. During his six years at the college, he wins every major prize there, plus the British Isles gold medal for life drawing, before leaving to study at the Slade School of Fine Art in London between 1897 and 1899. At the Slade he masters oil painting and begins to experiment with different painting techniques and effects.
While at the Slade, Orpen becomes engaged to Emily Scobel, a model and the subject of his painting The Mirror (1900). She ends their relationship in 1901, and he marries Grace Knewstub, the sister-in-law of Sir William Rothenstein. He and Knewstub have three daughters together, but the marriage is not a happy one. By 1908, he has begun a long-running affair with Evelyn Saint-George, a well-connected American millionairess based in London, with whom he also has a child.
Orpen first exhibits at the New English Art Club (NEAC) in 1899, becoming a member in 1900. In 1901, he holds a solo exhibition at the Carfax Gallery in central London. His portraits, which establish his reputation, show the influence of the Realist artist Édouard Manet. He also becomes known as a painter of group portraits such as Homage to Manet (1909), in which he portrays members of the contemporary English art world sitting in conversation beneath a famous portrait by that artist.
At the start of World War I, a number of Irish people living in England return to Ireland to avoid conscription. Among them is Orpen’s studio assistant and former pupil, Seán Keating. Keating encourages him to do likewise, but he refuses and commits himself to supporting the British war effort. In December 1915, he is commissioned into the Royal Army Service Corps and reports for clerical duty at London’s Kensington Barracks in March 1916. Throughout 1916 he continues painting portraits, most notably one of a despondent Winston Churchill, but soon starts using both his own contacts and those of Evelyn Saint-George, to secure a war artist posting.
He is the official painter of the Paris Peace Conference after World War I. Throughout 1919 he paints individual portraits of the delegates to the Conference and these form the basis of his two large paintings, A Peace Conference at the Quai d’Orsay and The Signing of Peace in the Hall of Mirrors. In both pictures, the architecture overwhelms the gathered politicians and statesmen who’s political wranglings and vainglory diminish them in Orpen’s eyes.
Orpen becomes seriously ill in May 1931, and, after suffering periods of memory loss, dies at the age of 52 on September 29, 1931, in South Kensington, London, of liver and heart failure. He is buried at Putney Vale Cemetery in southwest London. A stone tablet in the Island of Ireland Peace Park Memorial at Mesen, Belgium, commemorates him. He is posthumously regarded as a facile and prolific, but somewhat superficial, artist who nevertheless achieves great popularity in his day.
(Pictured: “Self-portrait” (1913), oil on canvas by William Orpen, Saint Louis Art Museum)
On November 24, 1972, the Fianna Fáil government fires the RTÉ Authority after it broadcast a recorded radio interview on November 19 by Kevin O’Kelly with Seán Mac Stíofáin, then Chief of Staff of the Provisional Irish Republican Army, on the RTÉ This Week radio programme. Mac Stíofáin is arrested on the same day, charged with IRA membership, and the interview is used as evidence against him. He is sentenced to six months imprisonment on November 25 by the Special Criminal Court in Dublin.
The announcement of dismissal comes shortly before 10:00 p.m. in a statement from Gerry Collins, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. It is an abrupt but not unexpected climax to a week of conflict and speculation after the broadcast of the Mac Stíofáin interview.
Collins reads the announcement on RTÉ but does not make any further comments. He also announces the appointment of the new Authority. The Taoiseach, Jack Lynch, who is in London for his meeting with British Prime MinisterEdward Heath, is kept fully informed of developments during the day.
Lynch says at the London airport before his departure for Dublin that the dismissal is an exercise in democracy. The action is taken because the Government sees the need for “protecting our community.”
Lynch speaks to reporters just after midnight after arriving at the airport from his dinner with the Prime Minister at 10 Downing Street. He says that the Cabinet had decided its course of action in regard to RTÉ on Tuesday, November 21, and that he had been in touch by phone throughout the day with his colleagues in Dublin.
The RTÉ Authority, the Taoiseach says, is controlled by Acts of Parliament and is subject to the democratic process.
It is the obligation of the Government to ensure that their terms of reference are adhered to. The Authority breached a directive given under the Broadcasting Act, ordering them “not to project people who put forward violent means for achieving their purpose.”
In the opinion of the Government, the interview with Mac Stíofáin is a breach of that directive. When Lynch is asked by a reporter how the Government knew that the RTÉ interview with Mac Stíofáin was taking place, he says that they have their own way of knowing things.
The comments of the members of the dismissed Authority reflect indignation, hurt and relief.
Phyllis O’Kelly, widow of the late Seán T. O’Kelly, former President of Ireland, says that it was “a strange thing to happen.” She does not accept that the station was deliberately trying to outwit the Government. The interviewer, Kevin O’Kelly, had listed various people that he wished to interview, and they seemed all right to her.
The Authority’s letter to the Minister makes it abundantly clear that the Authority appreciates his right to issue the direction. It also makes clear its anxiety to abide by that direction.
seamus dubhghaill 