Parry is born c. 1599 in Madyn Dyswy, Amlwch, Anglesey, Wales, the son of Rhys Parry, a merchant of Newry, County Down. The name of his mother is disputed. His siblings are Arthur, Grace and Magdalen. He is educated in Newry. In 1616, he enrolls as a student of Trinity College Dublin (TCD) where he graduates with a BA in 1620. He obtains his MA there in 1623 and a fellowship on November 24, 1624. In 1630 he graduates as a Doctor of Divinity and later becomes Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the college.
In Anglican politics Parry is regarded as a Laudian. In 1627, he is appointed Prebendary of Tipperkevin, a living belonging to St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin. In 1630, he is Incumbent of St. Bride’s Church, Dublin, where several of his children are baptised. In 1634, he is made Treasurer of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin and chaplain to Lancelot Bulkeley, Archbishop of Dublin. In 1635, he is appointed one of the High Commission for Ecclesiastical Causes. In 1636, he is appointed Prebendary of Stagonyl, another living belonging to St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin. By patent dated April 28, he is presented to St. Olave’s in Waterford where he is installed on May 11, but is also licensed to hold his other preferments at the same time. In 1640, he resigns from St. Olave’s and is appointed Dean of Lismore, County Waterford. Some of the Deanery lands had been seized by Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork and Parry tries to get them back but fails. His successor as Dean of Lismore is his first cousin, Robert Parry. In 1643, he is Archdeacon of Glendalough, County Wicklow.
On December 29, 1646, King Charles I of England in a letter states he favours Parry for the See of the Diocese of Killaloe, County Clare. On March 20, 1647, a patent is issued confirming his appointment as Bishop of Killaloe and he is consecrated at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, on March 28, 1647, by Lancelot Bulkeley, Archbishop of Dublin, assisted by the Bishops of Kildare and Cloyne. However, as this is in the middle of the Irish Rebellion he was unable to travel to his diocese and remains in Dublin, where he resides in Chichester House, St. Stephen’s Street, which later houses the Parliament of Ireland. In the Hearth Money Rolls the house is assessed for eight hearths so is quite large. On July 9, 1647, he signs the petition of the clergy praying to be allowed the use of the Liturgy, then abolished by order of the commissioners under Oliver Cromwell. On account of his good character and the smallness of the revenues of Killaloe, the King permits him to hold his former preferments in commendam.
Parry marries the daughter of John Price and by her has six children, who are John Parry, Bishop of Ossory, Benjamin Parry, Bishop of Ossory, Edward Parry, Robert Parry, Mary Parry who marries John Bulkeley, and Elinor Parry who is a love and correspondent of John Locke and later marries Richard Hawkshaw.
Parry dies in his house in St. Stephen’s Street on July 20, 1650, at the age of 51, after contracting the plague which rages there, and is buried in St. Audoen’s Church, Dublin. His will dated July 17, 1650, is proved in the Prerogative Court, Dublin. Its terms are: (1) his body is to be interred in St. Audeon’s Church near the doors, with his face to the east, where he also desires the body of his wife to be translated, and laid by his side, (2) he gives to his eldest daughter, Mary Parry, alias Bulkeley, a little silver watch, and her mother’s dear-head ring, (3) to his other daughter “Eleynor Parry” other ornaments that belonged to her mother, (4) to his sister “Madelius Evans” five pounds, (5) to other beneficiaries are given legacies out of the fifty pounds due to him by William Usher, (6) to his cousin, Robert Parry, he leaves his lexicon and other books, (7) to his cousin, Richard Parry, he leaves a gold ring, (8) to his cousin, Mary Parry, wife of Richard, he leaves a money legacy, and (9) he appoints his cousin, Robert Parry, as overseer of his will.
Parry writes a book entitled David restored; or an Antidote against the Prosperity of the Wicked, and the Afflictions of the Just, which is a sermon on the seventy-third Psalm. This is afterward published by his son, John Parry at Oxford in 1660. This work contains an engraved portrait of Edward Parry (above).
(Pictured: An engraved portrait by John Dickson of Dr. Edward Parry, Bishop of Killaloe, from a book authored by the bishop entitled “David restored; or an Antidote against the Prosperity of the Wicked, and the Afflictions of the Just”, published at Oxford in 1660.)
At the start of the Irish Civil War in June 1922, the Free State controls only Dublin. Anti‑Treaty forces, forming the so‑called Munster Republic, hold Cork, Limerick, and Waterford, along with much of the west. Waterford’s republican garrison has fortified the city, dismantled the drawbridge’s control equipment, and isolated the port by removing wireless and other communications.
On July 16, republican forces learn that Free State troops ae moving toward Waterford. They raise the drawbridge early and move vessels from the Kilkenny side to the Waterford side. On July 18, Prout’s column is spotted from Sallypark Hill, prompting republican machine gun and rifle fire. A Free State volunteer, Costeloe, is wounded and later dies.
From July 19, sniping continues across the River Suir. On July 19, the Free State brings the 18‑pounder artillery into position overlooking the city, bombarding republican positions. The republicans hold key buildings such as the Adelphia Hotel, Country Club, and Reginald’s Tower.
By July 21, Free State forces cross the River Suir downstream at Gyles Quay, enter the city, and drive out republican troops from their positions. The drawbridge on Redmond Bridge is lowered by hand, and republican reinforcements from Cork and Tipperary either withdraw or do not engage. The Free State takes Waterford on July 21, 1922, ending the republican hold on the city.
Two anti‑Treaty volunteers, Maurice McGrath and John “Bonny” Boyle, are killed. Two Free State soldiers, Sergeant James Howlett and Michael Costelloe, are killed. At least six civilians are killed, including Joseph Dwan, William Long, and a 10‑year‑old girl. Many civilians are wounded.
The fall of Waterford marks a key Free State victory in the conventional phase of the Irish Civil War, contributing to the re‑capture of major southern cities and paving the way for the later guerrilla phase.
(Pictured: John T. Prout at his wedding to Limerick native Mary Conba at St. John the Evangelist Church (O’Loughlin Memorial Church), Kilkenny, July 12, 1922)
On July 14, 1910, the Irish Socialist Federation (ISF) in New York City hosts a farewell dinner for James Connolly, marking the end of his time as its leader. This event is a significant moment in his career, as he had been instrumental in founding the Federation on March 29, 1907, and has been its driving force in organizing Irish socialist and trade union activity in the United States.
By 1910, Connolly has been active in the socialist movement in the United States for several years. He initially joins the Socialist Labor Party of America but becomes a full-time organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1905 to 1910, aligning with its syndicalist approach. His work with the Irish Socialist Federation has been central to building a network of Irish workers in America, linking them to socialist principles and Irish nationalist aspirations.
The July 14, 1910, dinner is a public acknowledgment of Connolly’s contributions and a symbolic send-off as he prepares to return to Ireland. Upon his return, he takes on a major role in the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), first in Belfast and then in Dublin, and later becomes acting General Secretary and Commandant of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA).
The political and labor impact of the event underscores Connolly’s growing influence in both the Irish socialist movement abroad and the domestic labor struggle. It reflects the Federation’s commitment to supporting Irish socialist leaders and their work in the United States and Ireland. It is also remembers as a key moment in Connolly’s transition from U.S. organizer to a central figure in the Irish labor and republican movements.
In short, the July 14, 1910, farewell dinner is both a personal farewell and a political milestone, highlighting Connolly’s role as a bridge between Irish socialism in the United States and the emerging labor and republican movements in Ireland.
The Dublin Harp Society is founded on July 13, 1809, by John Bernard Trotter, a former secretary to Charles James Fox and a passionate supporter of Irish music, to revive and preserve the ancient Irish harp tradition, and it flourishes briefly with contributions from prominent patrons and musicians before closing in 1812 due to financial difficulties.
Inspired by the Belfast Irish Harp Society, Trotter aims to create a society that will extend the revival of the Irish harp to the capital and broaden its audience across Ireland. The society’s purpose is to rescue the old Irish harp from oblivion, teach blind and talented harpers, and promote Irish music through public events, publications, and performances.
Trotter gathers an influential list of subscribers, including Thomas Moore, the poet and songwriter, and Sir Walter Scott, the Scottish novelist. He brings to Dublin Patrick Quin (pictured), a blind harper from Portadown, County Armagh, as the society’s instructor. Quin is one of the last of the traditional blind harpers and performs extensively at society events, including Turlough O’Carolan commemorations, delighting patrons and audiences. The Bishop of Kildare, Charles Dalrymple Lindsay, also supports the society by providing a house in Glasnevin for the instruction of harpers.
The society engages in multiple avenues to revive Irish harp music. In addition to the previously mentioned Turlough O’Carolan commemorations, circulars and subscription notices are published to drum up public support and secure funding. The Society hosts concerts and gatherings at prominent Dublin locations, offering elaborate performances for subscribers. Tuition and mentorship to young Irish harpers is provided, particularly to blind musicians, as part of a broader cultural and philanthropic effort. Trotter also personally subsidizes the society, contributing £200 annually, which helps maintain performances and attract participants.
Despite early enthusiasm, the society struggles financially due to Trotter’s generous hospitality and personal funding of its activities. By the close of 1812, the Dublin Harp Society becomes defunct when Trotter goes bankrupt. The society attempts to publish rules and regulations in 1810 and conduct active recruitment of subscribers and pupils, but it cannot be sustained beyond three years.
Although short-lived, the Dublin Harp Society contributes significantly to the preservation and promotion of the Irish harp, inspiring subsequent societies and harp revival initiatives in Ireland. It highlights the importance of cultural patrimony, music education, and public patronage, acting as a bridge between the older harp traditions and the modern revival movements seen in later 19th-century Ireland.
In summary, the Dublin Harp Society represents an early 19th-century endeavor to revive Ireland’s venerable harp tradition through education, sponsorship, and celebration of master harpers, leaving a lasting mark on the cultural memory of Irish music.
Sheridan begins exhibiting in the late 1950s, participating in the annual Living Art exhibitions and the Biennale de Paris in 1960. He wins the Carroll Prize for Painting in 1965 and 1969. Initially focused on abstract landscapes, his work evolves to include conceptual, performance, and installation art, integrating multimedia elements. Notable works include Everybody Should Get Stones (1975) and On Reflection (2001).
Sheridan is also deeply engaged in the international art scene. He represents Ireland at the 1962 UNESCO Convention of Young Painters in Paris and contributes to avant-garde movements in Australia, including serving as the first Professor of Conceptual Arts in Sydney during the 1970s. He directs the Experimental Art Foundation in Adelaide from 1975 to 1980, introducing experimental and post-object art to Australian audiences.
From 1980 to 2002, Sheridan serves as Director of the National College of Art and Design (NCAD) in Dublin, with a four-year hiatus to direct the Perth Institute of Contemporary Arts in Australia. His leadership shapes art education in Ireland and helps modernize institutional structures, curricula, and multimedia practices.
Sheridan is also a member of Aosdána, an elite Irish association of artists, and a committee member of Rosc, an important art exhibition initiative in Ireland.
Sheridan’s early works consist of abstract and lyrical landscapes, which later expand to include conceptual and performance art, often engaging audience participation and multimedia formats. He is known for his wit, charisma, and generosity as both a teacher and an arts administrator, influencing a generation of artists in Ireland and Australia.
Sheridan’s art is represented in major institutions, including the Irish Museum of Modern Art and the Centro de Arte Moderna Gulbenkian in Lisbon, with numerous works having been sold at auction, achieving prices up to $7,624 USD for pieces like Window. Retrospectives of his work are held at the Royal Hibernian Academy in Dublin in 2001, accompanied by publications that compile his artistic philosophy and contributions.
Sheridan is married to Liz Murphy, and they have five children. His commitment to both art and education continues throughout his life until he dies on July 12, 2006, in Perth, Western Australia. Paul Durcan writes a poem in his honour after his death.
In summary, Sheridan’s career spans painting, performance, installation, and education. His innovative approach, international influence, and dedication to teaching and institutional development mark him as a pivotal figure in postwar and contemporary Irish art.
On July 5, 1790, the Irish mail coach service makes its first run from Dublin to Waterford, marking a significant milestone in Ireland’s postal history. This is part of the broader expansion of the General Post Office’s (GPO) mail coach network, which had been introduced in Ireland in 1789.
A twice-weekly mail coach service operates between Dublin and Drogheda to the north, Kilkenny to the south and Athlone to the west as early as 1737 and for a short period from 1740, a Dublin to Belfast mail coach exists. In winter, this route takes three days, with overnight stops at Drogheda and Newry. In summer, travel time is reduced to two days. In 1789, mail coaches begin a scheduled service from Dublin to Belfast. They meet the mail boats coming from Portpatrick in Scotland at Donaghadee, County Down.
The Irish mail coach system is modeled on the successful English service introduced in 1784 by John Palmer, which uses specially built coaches to carry the Royal Mail under contract to independent operators. These coaches are designed for speed and efficiency, stopping only for mail collection and delivery, and are protected by armed guards. The Dublin–Waterford route is one of the early inland services added to the network, complementing other major routes such as London–Norwich, Liverpool–Leeds, and London–Dover.
The July 5, 1790 run from Dublin to Waterford is notable because it is the first scheduled mail coach service on that route, replacing slower and less secure methods like mounted riders or carts. It demonstrates the GPO’s ability to extend its network to key inland towns, improving communication between Dublin and the southeast of Ireland. It also reflects the rapid expansion of the mail coach system in Ireland by 1790, with many towns already having daily mail delivery and collection.
While the primary purpose is to carry the Royal Mail, passengers can also travel at a premium fare. The coaches can carry four seated passengers inside and more standing outside, with the driver and guard occupying the front seats. The journey from Dublin to Waterford is relatively short for the time, but still requires careful scheduling to meet the strict post office timetable.
This first run lays the foundation for a regular mail service that becomes a vital part of Ireland’s transport and communication infrastructure until the advent of railways in the 1830s. By the mid-19th century, most of the mail coaches in Ireland are eventually out-competed by Charles Bianconi’s country-wide network of open carriages, before this system in turn succumbs to the railways. The Dublin–Waterford route, like others, is eventually replaced by the faster rail services, but its role in modernizing Ireland’s postal system is crucial.
Wexford had been relatively quiet during the Irish War of Independence, but the Treaty split in 1921 creates deep divisions. The South Wexford Brigade under Thomas O’Sullivan is overwhelmingly anti-Treaty, while the North Wexford Brigade under Joseph Cummins is nominally pro-Treaty but contains a significant anti-Treaty minority. This division means that when the Irish Civil War breaks out on June 28, 1922, Wexford becomes one of the most violent counties, with Republican forces rapidly moving to secure strategic towns.
On July 4, anti-Treaty IRA units, including Tipperary volunteers and escaped Four Courts fighters, move into Enniscorthy, take over key positions and force the surrender of Free State troops. In the opening fighting, three combatants are killed — two IRA and one National Army — marking the first major Republican gains in the county. James Roche, an IRA member, is fatally wounded in an accident outside Newtownbarry (now Bunclody) on the same day, one of several accidental deaths among IRA personnel in Wexford during the Irish Civil War.
The capture of Enniscorthy is part of a broader Republican offensive in County Wexford in early July 1922. However, the balance of power shifts quickly. By July 6, a large relief force of government troops sets out from Dublin to retake the town. This marks the beginning of a protracted and bloody campaign in County Wexford, which sees the county become one of the most violent in the Irish Civil War.
In summary, the capture of Enniscorthy on July 4, 1922, is a significant Republican victory in County Wexford, driven by the Treaty split and reinforced by external IRA units. It reflects the rapid escalation of violence in the county and sets the stage for a prolonged and destructive phase of the Irish Civil War in County Wexford.
(Pictured: Enniscorthy at the turn of the last century, National Library of Ireland collections)
Barry returns to Bandon in early 1919. He describes in his guerilla days in Ireland a Damascus-like conversion to Irish nationalism on hearing of the Easter Rising while with the Mesopotamian expeditionary force, but he is only accepted into the IRA with considerable caution. Initially tested in intelligence and training work, in mid-1920 he takes charge of the new brigade flying column, which is used both to train officers and to stage offensive actions.
Barry adapts his military experience successfully to the demands of guerrilla warfare, becoming the most famed of column leaders during the Irish War of Independence. In his memoirs, he pours scorn on the obsession of many with military titles and orthodox procedure, complaining of a “paper army.” He stresses the need for spontaneity, initiative, and knowledge of local conditions. “The reality,” he writes, “was a group of fellows, mostly in caps and not-too-expensive clothing, wondering how to tackle their job and where they would sleep that night or get their supper.” (The Reality of the Anglo–Irish War (1974)). He well realises that the war’s character does not permit any close control from the IRA’s GHQ in Dublin, hence increasing the importance of local leaders. His tactics put strong emphasis on speed of movement and on the need to attack the enemy at his weakest point. The column’s ambush successes are small in number but among the best-remembered of the war. He admits, however, that his own and his column’s lack of experience with mines frequently weakened their offensives.
The column’s first successful ambush is at Tooreen on October 22, 1920, followed on November 28 by the dramatic ambushing of a patrol of auxiliaries at Kilmichael while traveling from their Macroom base. A column of thirty-six men, divided into three sections, kill sixteen auxiliaries, with one captured and later shot, suffering two fatalities of their own. Controversy has raged since over whether a false surrender by the British force caused the brutality of some of the deaths. Together with the Bloody Sunday killings of a week earlier in Dublin, Kilmichael has a profound effect on the British military and political establishment, with the declaration in December of martial law for much of Munster and the implementation of wide-ranging internment, together with the authorisation of official reprisals.
After a short period in hospital with a heart condition, in early 1921 Barry leads unsuccessful attacks on Kilbrittain, Innishannon, Drimoleague, and Bandon barracks. The seizure of Burgatia House, outside Rosscarbery, in early February, and the successful resistance made there to British troops, wins much publicity but has little military significance. He is a leading figure in the brutal final stage of the war in the first six months of 1921, which sees widespread shooting of suspected spies and destruction of loyalist property. By March 1921, his flying column, with 104 men, is easily the largest in Ireland, and an explosives expert, Capt. McCarthy, has joined them.
The protracted engagement between Barry’s column and encircling British forces at Crossbarry on March 19, 1921, comes at a time when large-scale sweeps are making life increasingly difficult for the IRA. It consists of a daring and courageous breakout. Crossbarry is the largest action of the war, and Barry is to regard it as even more important than Kilmichael. Soon afterwards, Rosscarbery barracks is successfully attacked by a Barry-led party, representing one of the few successful such initiatives in 1921. Isolated triumphs, however, cannot hide the fact that pressure is increasing on the column, and he becomes increasingly critical of inactive regions. He is later to say that all County Kerry does during the war is to shoot one decent police inspector at Listowel Racecourse and a colleague of his. He is strongly critical also of the lack of assistance from GHQ and of the divisionalisation policy. He visits Dublin in May, travels around with Michael Collins, and is present when two American officers demonstrate the Thompson submachine gun. He is more aware than most of his 1st Southern Division colleagues of the scarcity of arms and ammunition at the war’s end.
During the truce, Barry becomes liaison officer for Munster, riling the British by insisting on his military rank, and criticising the IRA liaison men in Dublin for being overly deferential. He joins the overwhelming majority of the Cork IRA in opposing the Anglo–Irish Treaty but plays a characteristically maverick role throughout the treaty split. His independent attitude is heightened by his dislike of Liam Lynch, the republican IRA’s Chief of Staff, and his continuing respect for Michael Collins. He shows impatience at the long-drawn-out peace initiatives. In March 1922, therefore, he advocates armed confrontation with pro-treaty units over the occupation of barracks in Limerick, and on June 18 he submits a resolution, which only narrowly fails, at the army convention, giving British troops seventy-two hours to leave Dublin.
At the beginning of the Irish Civil War, Barry is arrested entering the Four Courts disguised as a woman. He escapes from an internment camp at Gormanston in early September 1922. For the rest of the war his actions mirror its confused nature. In late October 1922, he leads successful raids on the small towns of Ballineen and Enniskean, and later on Inchigeelagh and Ballyvourney. In December his column takes Carrick-on-Suir, demonstrating the weakness of the Free State army, but his talk of advancing on the Curragh and of large-scale actions does not materialise. There is no evidence that he is acting in accordance with any coordinated plan. By February 1923, he realises that the Republican IRA cause is hopeless and he is involved with Fr. Tom Duggan in efforts to get 1st Southern Division to declare a ceasefire. He journeys to Dublin to put pressure on the intransigent Lynch in this connection, telling Lynch, “I did more fighting in one week than you did in your whole life.”
Barry avoids capture in roundups after the war, remaining on the run until 1924. Unlike many republicans, he does not turn to constitutionalism, remaining strongly militaristic. He is always an unreconstructed republican, though by no means a naive one. In 1924 he becomes attached to Cleeves Milk Co., based in Limerick and Clonmel, and from 1927 to retirement in 1965 is general superintendent with the Cork harbour commissioners. He strongly advocates preserving the independence of the IRA army executive during the republican split of 1925–27. He is instrumental in continuing the drilling of IRA members and is a strong supporter of armed opposition to the Blueshirts.
During the 1930s Barry is arrested at various times for possession of arms and seditious utterances. He promotes an attack against a Freemasons’ meeting in Cork in 1936 and gives the orders for the killing on March 4 of that year of Vice-AdmiralHenry Boyle Somerville. He is opposed to the use by Frank Ryan of IRA volunteers to support the republican cause in the Spanish Civil War and to the proposals of Seán Russell for a bombing campaign in England. To maintain the link with traditional republicanism, he is elected IRA chief of staff in 1937. His plan, however, for the seizure of Armagh city, as part of a direct northern offensive, quickly collapses due to a leak of information, and he soon resigns his position. He forcefully attacks the bombing of English cities in 1938, regarding attacks on innocent civilians as immoral and counterproductive. He enlists in the National Army on July 12, 1940, only to be demobilised a month later. In 1946, he stands as an independent candidate in a by-election in the Cork Borough constituency, finishing at the bottom of the poll. He is more comfortable the following year touring the United States on an anti-partition platform.
In 1949 his Guerilla Days in Ireland is published. It proves a best-seller and has frequently been reprinted. It is well written in a forceful and direct style, one memoir needing no assistance from a ghost writer. Age does not mellow him: lawyers and bank managers are threatened by him over matters relating to his own column, and in 1974 he publishes a fierce pamphlet, angry at perceived slights in the Irish War of Independence memoir of Liam Deasy. He does strive to achieve a public reconciliation with Collins’s memory by unveiling the memorial to Collins at Sam’s Cross in 1966. On the outbreak of the Northern Ireland crisis in the late 1960s, he takes a militant line, castigating the argument that the Six Counties can be brought into the Republic by peaceful means, and asking when had peaceful means existed there. At the memorial meeting in Carrowkennedy, County Mayo, in 1971, he claims that there is a perfect right at the opportune time to take the Six Counties by force. He remains opposed to IRA bombing of civilian targets.
Barry dies in Cork on July 2, 1980. He is buried in St. Finbarr’s Cemetery, Cork. Early in the truce of 1921 he marries Leslie Price, one of the most active of Cumann na mBan members during and after the rising. They have no children.
While Barry always remains an influential figure in republican circles, he will be remembered best as the pioneer of guerrilla warfare, the hero of Kilmichael and Crossbarry. His military flair, individualism, and ruthlessness are well suited to the 1919–21 conflict. After that, his strained relations with colleagues and his lack of flexibility reduce his importance. While his life after the revolutionary era appears anti-climactic, he retains much of his charisma. In later years, he is ever willing to remind politicians and historians how far Ireland has retreated from republican ideals. He is often prickly and autocratic yet could be generous to old colleagues of either side of the treaty split. He is arguably the most intelligent but also the most intolerant of the revolutionary leaders.
(From: “Barry, Thomas Bernadine (‘Tom’)” by M. A. Hopkinson, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
O’Conor is an active member of parliament, an effective though not an eloquent speaker, and a leading exponent of Catholic opinion. He is deeply involved in the education question, being a critic of the queen’s colleges. In 1867 he introduces a measure to extend the industrial schools act to Ireland, which becomes law the following year. He opposes William Ewart Gladstone‘s university bill of 1873, is appointed to the intermediate education board in 1878, and in May 1879 proposes the transformation of St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth, into a chartered Catholic university. He withdraws this in July, following a government bill creating the Royal University of Ireland. He is on the senate of the university for many years, and is conferred with the honorary degree of LL.D. in 1892. A leading exponent of the Irish language, in 1878 he proposes that it be introduced into secondary schools.
O’Conor is a supporter of Isaac Butt and a keen advocate of land law reform, which leads to his proposing in 1870 the extension of Ulster tenant right to the rest of the country. His brother Denis, MP for County Sligo 1868–83, is a home ruler, but Charles is only ever described as a camp follower. The Nation (October 18, 1873) observes that he “achieved the feat of speaking for two hours at a home rule meeting in Roscommon without telling his audience if he was a home ruler.” He has concrete criticisms such as the hostility of the northern counties, and wants to be allowed to take an independent stance, but Butt strongly deprecates his ambiguity. He does stand on the home rule platform in 1874 and 1880, but his tentative sympathy does nothing to protect him from the drive by Charles Stewart Parnell to establish the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP). In March 1880, Parnell goes to Roscommon to support his candidate James O’Kelly against O’Conor, who is a popular representative. Parnell calls him a “sample of West Britonism in Ireland . . . if you deprive him of the representation of Roscommon you strike the greatest blow that has been struck against English misgovernment in Ireland since Isaac Butt was elected for the city of Limerick,” which successfully leads to O’Conor’s being ousted. Ironically, he had briefly been Parnell’s landlord when in 1860 he rented a house near Kingstown (now Dún Laoghaire) to the recently widowed Delia Parnell and her family, including the 13-year-old Charles Stewart.
Appointed to the Bessborough commission into the workings of the 1870 land act some months later, O’Conor answers Parnell by going even further than the commission’s proposal to reform land law on the basis of the “three Fs.” He supports outright peasant proprietorship as the only effective and lasting remedy. In 1883, he makes an attempt to return to parliament as a liberal candidate for Wexford Borough, but is defeated by the home ruler Willie Redmond. Always an inveterate committee member, he spends the last twenty-five years of his life on various committees, including the parliamentary committee of 1885 and the royal commission of 1894 on the financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland. He is elected to Roscommon County Council in 1899 and is Lord Lieutenant of Roscommon from 1888 until his death. In 1881 he is sworn to the Privy Council of Ireland.
An ancestor is Charles O’Conor, the noted antiquarian, and O’Conor has his own interest in this area. He is a member of the Royal Irish Academy (RIA) from 1867 and joins the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (RSAI) in 1869, is a fellow in 1888, and president 1897–9. His antiquarian research is largely confined to his own family. In 1891, he publishes The O’Conors of Connaught, an historical memoir compiled from the manuscripts of John O’Donovan. He first marries Georgina Mary, daughter of Thomas Perry of Warwickshire, England, on April 21, 1868. Secondly he marries Ellen, daughter of John Lewis More O’Ferrall of County Longford, on September 16, 1879. He has four sons by his first marriage.
O’Conor dies at Clonalis, Castlerea, County Roscommon, on June 30, 1906. He is buried in St. Joseph’s Cemetery in Castlerea.
(From: “O’Conor, Charles Owen” by Bridget Hourican, Dictionary of Irish Biography, http://www.dib.ie, October 2009)
Born at Hillside Terrace in Howth, County Dublin, on May 5, 1898, Gilmore is the second son of Philip Gilmore, an accountant originally from County Antrim, and Fanny Angus. Despite his father primarily working for Unionist landlords, and being educated at home, George and his brothers Harry and Charlie all turn toward Irish republicanism. By 1916, Gilmore has become a member of Fianna Éireann, the Republican boy scouts, and later a member of the South County Dublin battalion of the Irish Volunteers.
Gilmore fights in the Irish Republican Army in the Irish War of Independence and in the Irish Civil War on the Anti-Treaty IRA side. During the civil war he is captured and imprisoned, but manages to escape custody in August 1923, the aftermath of which causes riots as the remaining prisoners are placed in solitary confinement.
Following the end of the civil war, Gilmore serves as the secretary of future TaoiseachSeán Lemass, as well alongside Frank Aiken. During the early 1920s, he, Lemass and Aiken regularly meet with the IRA army council to represent the emerging political leadership of Irish republicanism that coalesces as Fianna Fáil in 1926. The trio regularly sits opposite IRA leaders Frank Ryan, Peadar O’Donnell, and Seán Russell.
In October 1925, Gilmore and Lemass organise the escape of nineteen IRA prisoners from Mountjoy Prison in Dublin. As part of the jailbreak, Gilmore impersonates a member of Garda Síochána. None of the nineteen escapees are subsequently recaptured, and their escape serves as a major propaganda coup. However, the following month, Gilmore is involved in a riot that takes place on Armistice Day and he is subsequently arrested and sentenced to eighteen months in prison. He resists the entire duration; first resisting the arrest and then, once imprisoned, refusing to wear a prison uniform and going on hunger strike. Early in 1928, members of the IRA attack Mountjoy Prison where he is being held and shoot the warden after a story emerges that Gilmore had previously been the victim of a vicious beating by the guards. He is released in 1929 but re-arrested and re-imprisoned almost immediately, resulting in a retaliatory beating by the guards that leaves him unconscious.
Sometime between 1929 and 1930, Gilmore is sent by the IRA to Russia to receive military training and to seek aid.
Gilmore is arrested yet again upon his return to Ireland in April 1931, charged with having resisted arrest ten months previously. In October he tries to escape with the help of his brother Charlie and almost succeeds, using a plot involving mock pistols wrapped in silver to intimidate the guards. In the aftermath of the failed escape, his treatment in Arbour Hill Prison from 1931-32 is abysmal. He once again refuses to wear prison clothing because of his political status and remains naked in a windowless cell from October 1931 until February 1932. In June 1931, of a cache of weapons are discovered near his home at Killakee in the Dublin Mountains, which results in him and his brother Charlie being placed before a military tribunal which sentences him to five years in prison and Charlie to three (in 1932 Fianna Fail comes to power and the brothers are released). Neither recognises the authority of the court, with George stating, “I do not want anybody to think I excuse myself for such a charge as having arms, I am admittedly hostile to British imperialism and international capitalism.”
Gilmore’s fortunes are dramatically altered when Fianna Fáil emerges victorious in the 1932 Irish general election. In the aftermath, Frank Aiken, former Chief of Staff of the IRA and new Minister for Defence goes to see Gilmore on March 9 and on the next day all republican prisoners are released as part of a general amnesty. Thirty thousand supporters greet the prisoners at College Green, Dublin.
Finally out of long-term imprisonment, Gilmore is eager to resume working toward a socialist Ireland. He has supported Peadar O’Donnell’s shortlived socialist republican group Saor Éire from prison, but in the aftermath of its demise, he concludes that the group has spent too much time imagining what it might do if in government, and not enough time considering what the immediate aims of the IRA should be. With his close personal ties to their leadership, Gilmore has a positive view of Fianna Fáil, and at this point in time believes their goals differ little from his own and those of the IRA. Nevertheless, He encourages the IRA to not become too closely associated with Fianna Fáil, fearing the IRA will become a subservient body. He himself has ascended to the IRA’s army council upon his release, and in March 1932 is among representatives of the Army Council that liaises with Éamon de Valera about a possible partnership between the IRA and Fianna Fáil.
On August 14, 1932, Gilmore and fellow Irish republican T. J. Ryan are beaten badly, shot and wounded by plain-clothes members the Garda Síochána (Criminal Investigation Department) in Kilrush, County Clare. This incident is blamed on the police by an official Tribunal of Inquiry report one month later.
In March 1934, Gilmore, alongside Frank Ryan and Peadar O’Donnell, refuse to continue on as members of the IRA executive as part of a deepening rift over the direction of the IRA. Left-wing members of the IRA such as Gilmore, Ryan and O’Donnell insist that the IRA needs to tie their activity to social agitation in addition to their military aims, but this is a minority viewpoint, with the majority believing the IRA should have a “strictly military” outlook. The rift ultimately spirals into Gilmore, Ryan and O’Donnell being court-martialed and expelled in April.
In the aftermath, Gilmore works with Roddy Connolly, Nora Connolly O’Brien and Peadar O’Donnell to found the Republican Congress, a left-wing socialist Irish republican group. The group breaks up in 1935 over internal differences. Gilmore, Ryan and O’Donnell believe that the Republican Congress should be a united front, an alliance of all republican groups in Ireland. Roddy Connolly and other members of the Communist Party of Ireland believe that the Congress should be a vanguard party. A conference is held by the Republican Congress in Rathmines, Dublin, in September 1934 to vote on the issue. Before the vote is taken, Gilmore gives a speech in which he accuses Fianna Fáil of using republicanism as a means to promote Irish capitalism. When the votes are taken on whether the Republican Congress should be a united front or a vanguard party, Gilmore’s united front faction wins. However, supporters of the vanguard party concept such as Roddy Connolly immediately resign from the Congress in protest and walk out on the group. It proves to be a blow that the Congress never recovers from and the group is defunct by 1936. Gilmore makes a last-ditch effort to save the Congress by traveling to the United States to seek funds from Irish American groups but is not successful.
Upon the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, Gilmore and O’Donnell become supporters of the International Brigades. Both men travel to Spain personally, during which they are involved in a plane crash and Gilmore’s leg is broken.
Following the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, Gilmore writes an appeal pleading with the IRA to dump arms until the war in Europe is over and denounces them for flirting with fascism by seeking aid from Germany.
During the 1960s, when the republican movement once again moves to the left, Gilmore and O’Donnell are once again in demand as speakers and as writers in republican publications. In 1966, for the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising, Gilmore releases a pamphlet entitled “Labour and the republican movement” in which he espouses the principles of James Connolly. Additionally, he appeals to young republicans not to repeat the mistake older republicans had made in being too rigid in their views and too short on policy.
Gilmore dies on June 29, 1985, at the age of 87, in a nursing home in Howth, County Dublin.
seamus dubhghaill 